educational 


EDITED  BY  HENRY  SUZZALLO 

PRESIDENT   OF   THE   UNIVERSITY   OF   WASHINGTON,  SEATTLE 

THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

AN  EXPERIMENT  IN  SOCIAL  EDUCATION 

BY 

HARRIET  E.  TUELL,  PH.D. 

ll  Si 

HEAD   OF   DEPARTMENT   OF  HISTORY 
SOMERVILLE   HIGH   SCHOOL,   MASSACHUSETTS 

WITH  CHAPTERS  ON  CHINA  AND  JAPAN 
BY  KENNETH  SCOTT  LATOURETTE,  PH.D. 

PROFESSOR  OF  HISTORY,  DENISON  UNIVERSITY,  GRANVILLE,  OHIO 


HOUGHTON   MIFFLIN   COMPANY 

BOSTON,    NEW   YORK   AND    CHICAGO 


COPYRIGHT,    1919,   BY   HARRIET  E.  TUELL 
ALL  RIGHTS   RESERVED 


CAMBRIDGE  .  MASSACHUSETTS 
U   •   S   •   A 


CONTENTS 

EDITOR'S  INTRODUCTION v 

PREFACE ix 

I.  THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

1.  THE  METHOD  OF  APPROACH r 

2.  THE  FRUITS  OF  EXPERIENCE 8 

II.  EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

1.  FRANCE 23 

2.  ENGLAND 46 

3.  GERMANY 70 

4.  RUSSIA 93 

5.  ITALY 102 

6.  THE  AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN  EMPIRE                            .  108 

7.  TURKEY  AND  THE  BALKAN  STATES       .       .       .       .112 

8.  THE  "STUDY  OF  NATIONS"  AND  THE  GREAT  WAR     .  118 

III.  ORIENTAL  NATIONS 
BY  KENNETH  SCOTT  LATOURETTE 

1.  CHINA  i 125 

2.  JAPAN 137 

IV.  A  NATION  IN  THE  MAKING 

THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS 150 

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  LIST 175 

OUTLINE 187 


433441 


EDITOR'S  INTRODUCTION 

THE  American  Nation  has  gradually  recognized  that 
the  trend  of  world-events  has  swept  it  from  a  place 
of  minor  importance  in  international  relations  to  a 
place  of  major  influence  in  world  affairs.  On  the  one 
hand,  its  internal  affairs  have  become  so  entangled 
with  its  neighbor-nations  that  it  cannot  longer  solve 
its  own  problems  without  a  due  understanding  of  the 
national  traditions,  aspirations,  and  needs  of  the  peo- 
ples surrounding  it.  On  the  other  hand,  it  has  become 
so  powerful  in  the  world's  respect  that  it  has  with 
sudden  compulsion  been  forced  to  assume,  along 
with  the  other  great  societies  of  the  earth,  its  full 
share  of  responsibility  for  world-civilization. 

Never  again  can  the  American  people  return  to  the 
narrowly  national  political  philosophy  of  the  pre- 
Spanish  War  period.  It  cannot  even  fall  back  to 
the  reticent  policy  of  partial  participation  which  it 
favored  prior  to  the  Great  War.  The  fact  of  the  in- 
terdependence of  all  nations,  great  and  small,  has 
been  thrust  upon  the  American  people  and  its  leaders 
with  startling  abruptness  by  the  events  of  the  past 
two  years.  Our  country  is  somewhat  amazed  by  its 
own  prestige  and  influence.  It  realizes  that  it  already 
carries  a  responsibility  much  larger  than  its  popular 


EDITOR'S  INTRODUCTION 

mind  is  trained  to  handle.  It  feels  the  immediate 
necessity  of  thorough  preparation  for  its  tasks. 

The  first  need  is  that  the  American  people  as  a 
whole  shall  understand  the  other  constituent  peoples 
of  the  world  with  whose  affairs  it  is  inevitably  con- 
cerned. Much  understanding  has  already  come  to 
Americans,  particularly  to  our  adult  citizens,  during 
the  discussions  that  have  paralleled  the  great  strife. 
But  we  are  lacking  in  the  basic  point  of  view  and 
background  which  a  systematic  school  education 
might  have  given  us  in  the  appreciation  of  the  nature 
of  nationalities  other  than  our  own.  The  teaching  of 
national  civics  in  the  public  schools  must  be  supple- 
mented by  instruction  in  international  civics  based 
upon  a  comprehension  of  the  factual  differences  of 
custom,  tradition,  and  belief.  The  task  is  new  and 
difficult,  but  a  beginning  should  be  made  at  once. 

It  will  not  suffice  that  our  diplomats  and  other 
political  leaders  comprehend  the  nations  which  sur- 
round us.  In  a  democracy  such  as  ours  the  most 
intelligent  and  forceful  leadership  has  no  power  inde- 
pendent of  the  popular  will.  Statesmen  can  only  in- 
terpret and  give  form  and  procedure  to  public  opinion. 
The  levels  of  wisdom  from  which  unified  national 
action  may  emerge  are  founded,  first,  upon  the  stock 
of  information  and  attitude  acquired  in  youth;  and, 
second,  upon  the  skill  with  which  such  resources  of 
character  and  intelligence  are  in  adult  life  applied  to 
changing  issues  through  current  public  discussion. 

vi 


EDITOR'S  INTRODUCTION 

The  task  of  the  schoolmaster  is  to  create  a  founda- 
tion for  international  understanding. 

The  volume  here  presented  is  devised  as  an  aid  to 
American  school  teachers  who  would  begin  to  widen 
the  civic  horizons  of  their  pupils.  It  emphasizes  the 
larger  facts,  omitting  multitudinous  details  which 
might  obscure  important  things.  It  stresses  point  of 
view  and  method  in  gaining  understanding  and  sug- 
gests ubiquitously  the  high  importance  of  attitudes 
of  appreciation  and  tolerance.  Its  treatments  are 
typical  and  suggestive  rather  than  comprehensive. 
It  is  written  for  the  teacher  who  cares  deeply  about 
America  and  its  international  obligation  and  who  is 
devoted  enough  to  shoulder  another  educational  load 
for  the  welfare  of  mother-country  and  its  neighboring 
world. 


PREFACE 

THE  " Study  of  Nations"  is  an  experiment  in  social 
education  through  the  medium  of  Modern  History. 

History  in  the  schools  has  recently  been  put  on  the 
defensive,  challenged  as  a  failure  in  its  civic  function. 
Its  established  theory,  in  the  minds  of  its  critics, 
crumbles  for  lack  of  definite  social  purpose.  The  tra- 
ditional aims,  now  questioned,  were  well  defined  by 
the  Committee  of  Seven  of  the  American  Historical 
Association.  Their  report,  indeed,  The  Study  of  His- 
tory in  Schools,1  has  commonly  been  regarded  as  the 
Bible  of  the  history  teacher.  It  would  seek  by  the 
study  of  history  to  develop  in  the  pupil  those  quali- 
ties which  make  for  individual  power,  "good  judg- 
ment," " a  scientific  habit  of  mind/'  "skill  in  extract- 
ing knowledge  from  the  printecTpage,"  etc.  In  such 
a  scheme,  excellent  for  the  development  of  scholarly 
method,  the  sentiments  and  ideals  which  govern 
group  action  are  largely  left  to  take  care  of  themselves. 

Reforms  and  projects  for  reorganization  are  still 
tentative.  One  specific  principle  for  experiment,  how- 
ever, has  emerged  clearly.  The  high-school  course  in 
the  history  of  modern  nations  should  have  one  defi- 

1  The  Study  of  History  in  Schools.  Report  to  the  American  His- 
torical Association  of  the  Committee  of  Seven.  The  Macmillan 
Company.  New  York,  1899. 

ix 


PREFACE 

nite  purpose  —  to  give  to  the  future  citizens  of  the 
United  States  such  training  that  they  may  be  fitted 
to  take,  not  an  isolated,  but  a  cooperative  part  in  the 
great  world  movements  of  their  time. 

The  proposed  course  the  " Study  of  Nations"  is  an 
outgrowth  of  various  timely  suggestions  in  this  di- 
rection offered  in  the  Report  of  the  Committee  on 
Social  Studies  of  the  National  Education  Associa- 
tion. The  very  nomenclature  adopted  by  the  Com- 
mittee indicates  the  social  tendency  of  its  recommen- 
dations. A  "  Committee  on  Social  Studies/7  it  calls 
itself.  The  Social  Studies  in  Secondary  Education  is 
the  title  of  its  report.1  Its  platform,  therefore,  gives 
to  the  individualist  purpose  in  education  only  a  sec- 
ondary place.  "The  training  of  the  individual  as  a 
member  of  society"  is  the  duty  which  it  lays  upon 
the  schools.  History  and  civics,  and  so-called  social 
studies,  are  to  contribute  to  this  end  "through  the 
development  of  an  appreciation  of  the  nature  and 
laws  of  social  life,  a  sense  of  the  responsibility  of  the 
individual  as  a  member  of  social  groups,  and  the  in- 
telligence and  will  to  participate  effectively  in  the 
promotion  of  social  well-being."  Above  all  else,  the 
high-school  pupil  is  to  "acquire  the  social  spirit." 

The  objectives  of  the  two  reports  are  not  mutually 

1  The  Social  Studies  in  Secondary  Education.  Report  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Social  Studies  of  the  Commission  on  the  Reorganization 
of  Secondary  Education  of  the  National  Education  Association. 
Washington,  D.C.,  1916. 


PREFACE 

exclusive.  In  neither  case  are  history  teachers  called 
upon  to  abandon  the  development  of  the  individual 
boy  or  girl.  An  effective  social  group,  all  agree,  can 
only  be  made  of  intelligent  individuals.  The  report  of 
the  National  Education  Association  Committee,  how- 
ever, reflects  more  accurately  than  the  other  the  ten- 
dency of  contemporary  thought  and  would  seem  to 
offer  more  constructive  proposals  for  the  need  of  the 
present  day. 

The  Committee  on  Social  Studies,  moreover,  is 
more  explicit  in  its  suggestions  than  any  previous 
authority.  It  not  only  outlines  a  plan  of  study  for 
each  of  the  four  years  of  the  high-school  curriculum;  it 
indicates  in  each  case  the  definite  social  need  which 
the  course  is  designed  to  serve.  Thus,  in  the  teaching 
of  American  history,  the  object  is  "to  develop  a 
vivid  conception  of  American  nationality,  a  strong 
and  intelligent  patriotism,  and  a  keen  sense  of  the  re- 
sponsibility of  every  citizen  for  national  efficiency." 
The  history  of  foreign  nations  is  intended  to  cultivate 
"  a  sympathetic  understanding  of  such  nations  and 
their  people,  an  intelligent  appreciation  of  their  con- 
tribution to  civilization,  and  a  just  attitude  toward 
them." 

Since  the  publication  of  this  report  in  1916  the 
course  of  public  events  has  emphasized  even  more 
sharply  the  need  for  training  in  the  larger  sympathies. 
With  every  month  it  becomes  more  apparent  that  an 
intelligent  understanding  of  foreign  conditions  and 

xi 


PREFACE 

points  of  view  will  henceforth  be  requisite  for  effi- 
cient American  citizenship.  The  very  revelations  of 
the  draft  have  shown  how  great  is  the  need  for  mutual 
understanding  and  forbearance  between  the  various 
racial  elements  in  our  own  country.  In  the  conduct 
of  foreign  affairs  great  issues  are  at  stake  —  "  the  self- 
determination  of  nations/'  the  substitution  of  the 
"big  brother  idea"  for  the  old  imperialist  policy  to- 
ward small  nationalities,  the  projects  for  leagues  of 
nations.  The  highest  aims  of  to-day's  statesmanship 
depend  for  their  fulfillment  upon  the  breadth  of  vision 
and  intelligence  of  the  average  voter. 

As  one  way  of  meeting  this  educational  need,  Mr. 
Clarence  D.  Kingsley  has  proposed  to  substitute  the 
" Study  of  Nations"  for  the  usual  high-school  course 
in  modern  history.1  History,  by  this  means,  becomes 
an  elementary  study  of  nationality.  Each  nation  is 
carefully  considered  by  itself,  that  pupils  may  gain  a 
definite  impression  of  its  individual  characteristics. 
First  it  is  viewed  as  it  appears  to-day;  then  its  de- 
velopment is  briefly  traced  that  present  conditions 
may  be  seen  in  their  proper  perspective.  After  this 
historic  background  has  been  sketched  in,  an  attempt 
is  made  to  evaluate  the  peculiar  gifts  of  the  country 
and  its  people  to  the  sum  of  modern  civilization.  "  The 

1  Kingsley,  Clarence  D.:  "The  Study  of  Nations:  Its  Possibilities 
as  a  Social  Study  in  High  Schools  ";  in  School  and  Society,  vol.  HI, 
pp.  37-41  (Jan.  8,  1916). 

N.B.  The  initial  suggestion  for  such  a  course  was  made  by  Dr. 
Felix  Adler  in  The  War  and  the  Social  Crisis. 

xii 


PREFACE 

idea  should  be  developed,"  says  Mr.  Kingsley,  "that 
every  nation  has,  or  may  have,  something  of  worth 
to  contribute  to  other  nations  and  to  humanity  as  a 
whole."  Such  a  course  of  study,  it  is  hoped,  would 
tend  to  reduce  the  friction  in  international  affairs 
created  by  the  clamor  of  popular  ignorance,  would 
"help  to  a  truer  understanding  and  appreciation  of 
the  foreigners  who  come  to  our  shores,"  and  would 
enable  us  to  value  backward  peoples  by  the  promise 
of  their  latent  possibilities  rather  than  on  the  basis  of 
their  present  small  achievements. 

The  practical  application  of  this  plan  of  study  to 
the  woi*k  of  the  secondary  school  has  been  the  subject 
of  experiment  for  the  last  three  years  in  the  High 
School  of  Somerville,  Massachusetts.  The  classes 
chosen  for  the  trial  in  the  first  two  years  of  the  high- 
school  course  had  taken  work  which  corresponded 
very  closely  to  the  recommendations  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  Social  Studies.  In  the  first  year  they  had  stud- 
ied Community  Civics  and  in  the  second  year  Eu- 
ropean History  to  1 700.  They  were  already  familiar, 
therefore,  with  the  methods  of  Community  Civics, 
with  library  reference  work  and  the  usual  require- 
ments of  historical  study.  The  experiment  has  met 
with  varying  degrees  of^s^iccess,  but  on  the  whole 
seems  full  of  promise.  Similar  courses  are  being 
worked  out  in  the  Horace  Mann  School,  Teachers 
College,  Columbia  University,  by  Mr.  Roy  W.  Hatch, 
in  the  Technical  High  School,  Newton,  Massachu- 

xiii 


PREFACE 

setts,  by  Mr.  Horace  Kidger,  and  in  several  other 
places.  If  these  initial  attempts  can  be  made  the 
nucleus  for  the  cooperative  effort  of  many  teachers, 
it  is  hoped  that  they  may  point  the  way  to  a  more 
satisfactory  reorganization  of  this  particular  branch 
of  study. 

The  outline  of  work  presented  in  this  book  is  to  be 
regarded  as  merely  tentative.  To  formulate  for  the 
use  of  students  a  definite  concept  of  the  various  na- 
tions is  an  audacious  undertaking.  It  has  been  ob- 
served, with  a  large  measure  of  truth,  that  the  task 
calls  for  a  person  endowed  with  omniscience.  The 
impression  left  on  the  minds  of  pupils  must  be  clear 
and  distinct,  yet  without  bias,  always  subject  to  the 
revision  of  later  experience.  A  friendly  and  appre- 
ciative spirit  must  pervade  the  work,  yet  admiration 
must  not  be  carried  to  the  point  of  exaggeration.  The 
individuality,  the  peculiar  mental  atmosphere  of  each 
people,  must  make  itself  felt.  Above  all  else  the 
teacher  must  be  on  guard  against  unconsciously 
twisting  the  facts  of  history  to  establish  the  truth  of 
a  preconceived  notion.  Clearly  this  is  a  subject  for 
prolonged  and  repeated  experiment. 

The  choice  of  material  offers  at  all  times  a  difficult 
problem.  The  topics  of  first  importance  seem  num- 
berless, but  the  available  time  is  strictly  limited. 
Many  pupils  must  be  left  with  curiosity  unsatisfied, 
like  the  little  Swedish  girl  who  asked:  "Why  is  it  we 
don't  hear  more  about  Gustavus  Adolphus?  My 

xiv 


PREFACE 

mother  says  he  was  one  of  the  greatest  characters  in 
history. ' '  The  same  query  might  be  made  as  to  many 
another  commanding  historic  figure.  Fortunately  it 
is  not  the  intention  to  give  an  encyclopedic  knowl- 
edge of  the  facts  of  history.  A  careful  limitation  of 
boundaries  is  the  first  essential.  The  basis  of  selec- 
tion from  the  mass  of  material  must  change  from 
year  to  year  with  changing  conditions. 

For  the  present,  the  teacher  of  modern  history 
works  under  a  certain  compulsion.  The  Great  War  is 
the  outstanding  fact  of  our  time.  It  is  the  great  ob- 
jective to  which  all  roads  must  lead.  This  is  the 
thought  of  both  parents  and  children.  As  one  father 
said  to  his  daughter,  telling  her  to  write  down  care- 
fully all  she  learned  at  school  about  the  causes  of  the 
war:  "We  working-men  are  too  busy  to  get  at  the 
rights  of  this  thing.  You  who  are  in  school  are  the  ones 
who  must  pass  on  the  truth  about  it  to  those  who  are 
to  come  after."  All  questions  of  comparative  value  of 
material  must  be  settled  with  reference  to  this  crisis. 
The  leading  nations  in  the  conflict  must  be  studied  in 
detail,  those  of  less  importance  in  more  cursory  fash- 
ion. France,  England,  Germany,  and  Russia,  for  in- 
stance, must  become  familiar  acquaintances.  Their 
names  must  stand  in  the  mind  for  distinct  concep- 
tions. Not  only  their  aims  and  ambitions,  but  all  that 
goes  to  make  up  their  "self-hood"  is  of  importance. 
The  lesser  peoples  may  be  treated  with  much  less  de- 
tail. Then  at  the  last  all  the  threads  may  be  gathered 

xv 


PREFACE 

up  in  the  consideration  of  the  causes  of  the  struggle. 
The  nations  which  were  separate  entities  are  now 
seen  acting  in  groups  until  the  study  becomes  merged 
in  the  story  of  the  Great  War. 

In  the  publication  of  the  following  monograph  the 
writer  acknowledges  special  obligation  to  Mr.  Clar- 
ence D.  Kingsley,  State  Supervisor  of  High  Schools 
for  Massachusetts.  Mr.  Kingsley  has  repeatedly 
urged  upon  teachers  the  possibilities  of  "The  Study 
of  Nations  "  as  a  high-school  subject,  and  has  formu- 
lated the  principles  for  its  arrangement.  While  he 
bears  no  responsibility  for  the  way  in  which  his  prin- 
ciples have  been  applied  to  the  work  of  the  classroom, 
his  suggestions,  from  his  article  in  School  and  Society, 
referred  to  above,  have  shaped  the  main  features  of 
the  course.  His  courteous  interest  in  the  progress  of 
the  work  and  his  careful  reading  of  the  manuscript 
have  been  a  definite  and  valued  help. 

A  heavy  debt  of  gratitude  is  also  due  to  Professor 
Kenneth  Scott  Latourette,  of  Denison  University, 
who  from  his  expert  knowledge  of  the  Orient  and 
Oriental  history  has  kindly  contributed  the  chapters 
on  "China,"  and  "Japan." 

The  writer  takes  this  opportunity  to  express,  as 
well,  her  appreciation  for  the  kindness  of  Mr.  Charles 
S.  Clark,  .Superintendent  of  Schools,  Somerville, 
Massachusetts,  and  of  Mr.  John  A.  Avery,  Head 
Master  of  the  Somerville  High  School,  without  whose 

xvi 


PREFACE 

permission  and  cooperation  the  experiment  herein 
described  could  not  have  been  given  a  trial. 

For  permission  to  incorporate  in  the  text  por- 
tions of  an  article  on  "The  Study  of  Nations/* 
previously  published,  the  author  is  indebted  to 
Mr.  Albert  J.  McKinley,  publisher  of  The  History 
Teachers'  Magazine. 

H.  E.  T. 

Somerwlle  High  School 
Massachusetts 


I 

THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

1.  THE  METHOD  OF  APPROACH 

THE  arrangement  of  material  in  the  "  Study  of  Na- 
tions" is  based  upon  the  principle  of  which  Dr.  John 
Dewey  is  the  great  protagonist:  namely,  that  it  is 
the  business  of  the  school  to  meet  the  needs  of  pres- 
ent growth  in  the  child.  As  the  first  step  in  that 
direction,  the  course  is  so  planned  as  to  begin  at  a 
point  of  contact  with  the  pupil's  immediate  interest. 
By  this  means  it  is  believed  that  the  study  of  history 
will  gain  in  dynamic  force;  that  its  impact  upon 
the  mind  and  conscience  of  the  pupil  will  be  more 
effective. 

Too  many  parents  and  children  —  even  some 
teachers  —  have  the  idea  of  history  expressed  by  one 
high-school  student  just  beginning  the  subject.  In 
response  to  the  question,  "What  do  you  think  you 
ought  to  get  out  of  a  course  in  history?  "  she  replied, 
"As  my  study  of  history  will  probably  end  with  my 
high-school  career,  I  think  it  will  be  to  my  advantage 
to  use  all  the  energy  possible  in  the  systematic  ab- 
sorption of  all  history,  in  the  hope  that  in  the  years 
to  come  I  may  remember  a  few  facts."  The  rewards 

I 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

of  effort  are  set  far  in  the  future.  The  school  work 
bears  iKi  n -1  Lt'on  to  the  life  of  the  present.  As  a 
ill  it  i. Morally  follows  that  the  study  of  history 
ends  with  the  lii^h-school  career. 

The  problem  of  the  educator  is  to  find  a  method  of 
approach  which  will  open  the  pupil's  mind  to  his 
immediate  use  for  history.  He  must  be  made  to  see 
its  connection  with  his  own  life.  Almost  any  boy  is 
eager  to  understand  the  world  of  to-day,  even  if  he 
does  not  care  particularly  about  that  of  his  ancestors. 
He  appreciates  the  necessity  of  knowing  something 
about  the  Great  War,  although  the  Persian  wars  seem 
to  him  merely  "a  tale  that  is  told."  If  he  expressed 
his  real  feeling  about  history  he  might  say  with  the 
poet,  "Let  the  dead  past  bury  its  dead."  His  con- 
cern is  with  life,  here  and  now.  The  zest  which  the 
normal  boy  brings  to  the  discussion  of  anything  which 
plainly  belongs  to  the  world  of  to-day  may  well  con- 
vey a  hint  to  his  teacher.  Why  not  use  this  interest 
in  the  present  as  an  entering  wedge  to  the  study  of 
former  times  ?  It  may  be  possible  to  make  of  con- 
temporary history  a  veritable  "open  sesame"  to 
reveal  the  treasures  of  the  past. 

On  this  theory,  in  the  "Study  of  Nations,"  present 
conditions  are  viewed  first;  then  historical  material 
is  introduced  to  furnish  explanation  for  the  situation 
of  to-day.  In  other  words,  the  "problem  method" 
is  used  as  far  as  possible,  the  problem  being  taken 
from  some  aspect  of  current  history  while  the  matter 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

for  solution  is  drawn  from  the  past.  For  instance, 
almost  all  children  have  heard  vaguely  of  the  recent 
revolution  in  Russia.  They  are  already  intensely 
curious  about  it.  The  briefest  class  discussion  brings 
out  a  question  as  to  its  causes.  This  opens  the  way 
at  once  to  a  study  of  the  rule  of  the  Czars.  The 
class  turns  to  the  account  of  Peter  the  Great  and  fol- 
lows the  development  of  the  Russian  system  of  autoc- 
racy. At  every  step  the  reasons  for  the  recent  revo- 
lution become  more  clear.  The  present  leads  directly 
back  to  the  past,  and  knowledge  of  the  past,  in  turn, 
is  seen  to  be  essential  to  an  understanding  of  the 
present. 

The  exact  starting-point  will  be  determined  by  the 
character  and  personnel  of  the  class.  If  the  pupils 
are  especially  interested  in  the  commercial  branches, 
some  phase  of  commercial  activity  may  be  chosen 
for  a  beginning.  If  they  are  drawn  from  several  dif- 
ferent nationalities,  the  path  to  European  history 
may  lead  through  their  racial  affiliations.  Probably 
no  two  classes  will  offer  just  the  same  opening.  It 
matters  little,  if  only  the  start  be  at  some  point  of 
vital  interest. 

This  method  of  approach  relieves  the  instructor  of 
the  need  to  make  history  attractive  by  artificial  stim- 
ulus. The  temptation  to  cheapen  the  subject  in 
order  to  make  it  entertaining  no  longer  exists.  The 
teacher's  business  now  is  not  to  infuse  interest  from 
outside,  but  to  discover  where  it  exists,  and  then  use 

3 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

it.  The  attention  of  the  class  will  be  unflagging  as 
long  as  the  connection  is  clear  between  the  subject 
of  study  and  the  object  of  their  curiosity. 

This  very  ease  in  holding  attention  makes  the 
method  an  object  of  suspicion  to  some  teachers. 
They  question  its  wisdom  from  the  very  fact  that  by 
starting  at  the  point  of  the  child's  present  interest 
the  course  of  study  follows  the  line  of  least  resistance. 
These  teachers  argue  that  the  child  of  to-day  gets 
but  little  moral  discipline  at  best.  They  feel  that 
unless  the  school  makes  him  do  that  in  which  he  has 
no  special  interest,  he  will  grow  up  the  slave  of  wan- 
dering impulse.  On  this  point  the  experience  in 
Somerville  has  gone  to  substantiate  the  arguments 
set  forth  by  Dr.  John  Dewey  in  his  monograph, 
Interest  and  Effort  in  Edttcation.1  It  has  been  found, 
as  Dr.  Dewey  suggests,  that  any  problem,  however 
approached,  if  persistently  followed  to  a  solution, 
develops  of  necessity  the  power  of  sustained  effort. 
When  the  pupil's  interest  is  enlisted  by  his  sense  of 
need  the  call  upon  the  will  power  is  no  less  insistent 
than  when  his  effort  is  stimulated  by  artificial  means. 

That  the  approach  from  the  present  gives  point 
and  direction  to  the  work  is  indicated  by  the  naive 
comment  of  a  pupil  just  finishing  the  course:  "I  like 
to  study  history  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  present 
best,  because  I  think  that  in  that  way  you  start  with 

1  Dewey,  John:  Interest  and  E/ort  in  Education.  Riverside  Edu- 
cational Monographs.  Houghton  MiiHin  Company,  Boston. 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

the  way  things  are  situated  now  and  then  explain 
them,  and  in  doing  the  other  way  you  get  all  the  ex- 
planation before  you  really  know  what  you  are  trying 
to  explain." 

Unfortunately  for  the  teacher,  complications  may 
arise  from  the  fact  that  history  is  not  made  along 
pedagogical  lines,  proceeding  gradually  from  the 
simple  to  the  more  complex.  It  is  not  always  easy, 
therefore,  to  find  a  point  for  the  opening  drive  which 
will  lead  easily  to  the  desired  objective.  On  one 
occasion,  for  instance,  a  teacher  finding  her  class  in- 
terested in  the  Alsace-Lorraine  question,  took  that 
knotty  problem  as  the  point  of  departure,  only  to  be- 
come hopelessly  entangled  in  its  intricacies.  Both 
teacher  and  pupils  were  glad  to  escape  back  to  the 
safe  and  beaten  track  of  chronology.  Skillful  choice 
of  material  and  careful  planning  on  the  part  of  the 
instructor  can  alone  insure  to  the  pupil  a  task  com- 
mensurate with  his  powers.  The  measure  of  his 
success  will  be  the  test  of  the  teacher's  ability  and 
experience. 

The  order  of  procedure  from  the  present  to  the 
past  is  exactly  that  which  is  now  being  followed  by 
the  adult  world.  Since  the  outbreak  of  the  Great 
War,  history  has  come  into  sudden  popularity. 
Never  since  the  days  of  John  Fiske  have  historical 
lecturers  drawn  such  large  audiences.  Never  have 
books  on  history  had  such  a  wide  circulation  in  the 
public  libraries.  In  school,  pupils  frequently  excuse 

5 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

themselves  for  tardiness  in  returning  works  of  refer- 
ence to  the  historical  library  on  the  ground  that 
"  father  was  reading  it."  Parents  who  have  never 
before  shown  bookish  tastes  are  reported  as  reading 
every  history  that  is  brought  home  from  school. 
But  this  new  zeal  for  research  is  not  due  to  mere 
antiquarian  interest.  The  meetings  of  the  local  his- 
torical societies  are  as  select  as  ever.  The  dust  is  still 
undisturbed  on  the  volumes  of  Gibbon  and  Hume. 
The  older  generation  is  in  complete  accord  with  the 
boy  who  said:  "  We  are  n't  worrying  about  the  Mid- 
dle Ages.  What  we  want  is  to  understand  about  this 
war."  The  world  outside  of  school  has  taken  to 
reading  history  with  a  single  purpose  —  to  get  light 
on  current  problems.  For  a  like  reason  the  children 
are  ready  to  follow  the  same  impulse. 

The  advantages  of  this  method  of  approach  were 
strikingly  presented  several  years  ago  by  Sir  Ro- 
land Knyvet  Wilson  in  the  Contemporary  Review.1 
In  an  article  entitled  "  Should  History  be  Taught 
Backwards?"  he  voiced  a  question  which  has  been 
somewhat  widely  echoed  in  our  own  day.  He  con- 
tended that  to  the  English  schoolboy  of  his  time  the 
Near-Eastern  Question  might  be  an  open  door  to  the 
history  of  international  relations  since  the  advent  of 
the  Turk  in  Europe,  exactly  as  we  see  in  the  condi- 
tions that  led  to  the  Great  War  an  introduction  to 
the  story  of  colonial  expansion  or  to  the  development 
1  The  Contemporary  Review,  vol.  70,  p.  391. 
6 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

of  the  democratic  ideal  in  Europe.  To  him,  as  to 
the  teacher  of  to-day,  an  arrangement  which  allowed 
the  boy  to  proceed  from  the  known  to  the  unknown 
had  much  to  recommend  it. 

The  "  Study  of  Nations,"  however,  does  not  really 
involve  the  teaching  of  history  backwards.  Such 
disregard  of  the  claims  of  historical  perspective  might 
perhaps  be  considered  subversive  of  scholarly  method. 
Nor  would  it  be  consistent  with  the  virtue  of  "his- 
toric'al-mindedness"  thus  insistently,  of  set  purpose, 
to  read  the  present  into  the  past.  Quite  different  is 
the  arrangement  which  uses  the  present  as  an  intro- 
duction merely  to  study  of  the  past,  or  as  a  means  of 
giving  definitive  aim  to  the  work,  and  then  presents 
the  facts  of  history  in  strictly  chronological  order, 
with  every  safeguard  for  the  correct  perspective. 
The  order  of  events  under  each  main  topic  in  the 
outline  for  the  "  Study  of  Nations  "  is  chronological  as 
well  as  logical. 

This  use  of  the  present  situation  as  an  introduction 
to  the  study  of  the  past  is  also  to  be  differentiated 
from  that  widely  advertised  by  certain  periodicals 
according  to  which  the  passing  event  is  made  the 
starting-point  for  historical  study.  This,  which  has 
been  called  the  "hop,  skip,  and  jump  method/7  has 
found  many  followers  among  teachers.  Although 
such  a  plan  has  the  virtue  of  making  instant  appeal 
to  the  interest  of  the  student,  it  is  as  divergent  as 
possible  from  the  method  of  the  "  Study  of  Nations." 

7 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

In  the  latter  course  the  starting-point  is  not  the 
current  event,  but  the  present  condition.  Instead 
of  following  recent  happenings  in  rapid  gyrations 
around  the  globe,  the  " Study  of  Nations"  selects  as 
a  starting-point  the  present  characteristics  of  civili- 
zation in  one  nation  and  develops  from  that  point 
a  fairly  comprehensive  view  of  the  national  life  and 
history.  It  is  believed  that  this  arrangement  gives 
a  comparatively  stable  basis  on  which  to  build.  It 
also  permits  the  organization  of  the  course  into  a 
logical  whole. 

2.  THE  FRUITS  OF  EXPERIENCE 

THE  "  Study  of  Nations  "  as  outlined  is  an  adaptation 
of  the  methods  of  Community  Civics  to  the  study  of 
Modern  European  History.  It  provides  for  a  study 
of  modern  nations  as  enlarged  communities.  Pupils 
approach  the  problems  of  life  in  these  nations  from  a 
carefully  selected  vantage-point  at  which  the  problem 
touches  their  own  experience  or  interest.  The  spirit 
in  which  the  work  is  planned  is  that  of  a  little  girl 
discussing  a  point  in  Community  Civics  who  said: 
"  We  can't  tell  where  our  community  ends.  It  may 
reach  even  to  Italy."  To  bring  Italy  or  any  other 
foreign  country  within  the  range  of  community  in- 
terest and  social  obligation  is  the  main  object  of  the 
course. 

The  necessity  for  this  internationalist  teaching  is 
8 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

now  universally  recognized.  How  far  the  "Study  of 
Nations"  is  calculated  to  meet  the  need  is  another 
question.  Many  teachers  contend  that  the  tradi- 
tional course  in  history  is  already  sufficiently  well 
adapted  to  the  purpose;  that  the  radical  revision  of 
method  adopted  for  the  "Study  of  Nations"  is  un- 
necessary. Others  think  the  methods  here  suggested 
not  merely  unnecessary,  but  of  doubtful  value  in 
themselves.  Still  others  'would  gladly  revise  their 
work  along  the  proposed  lines,  but  are  deterred  by 
practical  difficulties.  The  time  is  not  yet  ripe  to 
make  any  definite  claims  for  the  "  Study  of  Nations." 
The  experience  of  only  three  years  must  carry  but 
little  weight.  The  fruits  of  that  experience  may  be 
worth  recounting,  however,  if  only  as  a  guide  to  fur- 
ther criticism.  In  variety  of  suggestion  is  the  hope 
of  progress. 

That  some  revision  of  the  method  and  content  of 
high-school  history  would  be  desirable  is  now  generally 
conceded.  For  some  years  teachers  of  history  have 
been  put  on  the  defensive.  In  some  cases  they  have 
even  been  called  upon  to  give  excuse  for  being.  The 
very  fact  that  this  demand  for  reform  is  so  loud  and 
so  insistent  would  seem  to  indicate  that  history  in  the 
schools  has  not  yet  been  shaped  to  the  fulfillment  of 
its  highest  purpose.  Whether  the  necessities  of  the 
case  call  for  such  radical  reconstruction  as  is  sug- 
gested for  the  "  Study  of  Nations  "  is  not  so  clear.  The 
proposed  methods,  however,  are  in  accordance  with 

9 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

the  general  trend  of  modern  educational  experiment. 
As  such  they  seem  worthy  of  trial. 

The  arrangement  of  material  is  especially  adapted 
to  the  main  purpose  of  the  work  —  the  development 
of  a  spirit  of  international  sympathy.  To  this  end 
each  nation  is  studied  separately.  By  this  means  the 
appeal  made  to  the  sympathies  is  more  potent  than 
if  many  nations  are  studied  together.  As  one  reading 
biography  insensibly  comes  to  sympathize  with  its 
subject,  so  in  following  the  fortunes  of  a  single  people 
one  unconsciously  espouses  their  cause.  A  degree  of 
human  interest  enters  into  the  story  of  a  single  race 
or  nation  which  is  less  noticeable  when  the  mind  is 
fixed  upon  the  interaction  of  several  different  nation- 
alities. 

The  treatment  of  one  nation  at  a  time,  too,  has 
proved  a  more  satisfactory  arrangement  from  the 
teacher's  point  of  view  than  the  plan  of  the  usual 
textbook.  Much  of  the  difficulty  in  teaching  .Modern 
history  arises  from  its  complexity.  In  ancient  his- 
tory events  turn  naturally  about  a  few  great  states 
or  figures.  The  pupil  is  not  required,  as  in  modern 
history,  to  carry  in  the  mind  many  parallel  lines  of 
development.  Each  of  the  great  nations  of  antiquity 
has  certain  distinct  characteristics  which  readily 
differentiate  it  from  its  neighbors.  In  the  course 
of  years  the  textbook  writers  have  learned  to  make 
these  characteristics  stand  out  with  vivid  distinct- 
ness. Greece  and  Rome,  or  even  Sparta  and  Athens, 

10 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

each  stand  for  something  definite  in  the  minds  of 
pupils.  Medieval  history,  too,  lends  itself  readily  to 
a  unity  of  treatment  which  makes  for  simplicity.  It 
is  with  the  advent  of  the  modern  era  that  difficulties 
multiply.  Each  of  the  modern  nations  has  its  own 
line  of  development.  The  story  is  badly  crowded 
with  figures  and  lacks  unity.  This  not  only  lays  a 
severe  tax  upon  the  memory;  it  serves  also  to  make 
the  characteristic  features  of  each  nation  indistinct, 
as  people  in  a  crowd  seem  to  lack  individuality. 
Even  the  teacher,  reading  into  the  story  the  back- 
ground of  life  and  color  gained  from  wider  reading 
and  travel,  often  fails  to  realize  how  bare  and  meager 
and  characterless  is  the  school-book  account.  The 
peoples  of  the  world  make  little  more  appeal  than  do 
a  swarm  of  ants. 

The  study  of  one  nation  at  a  time  gives  much  more 
promise  tf  success.  The  story  has  unity  and  is  easily 
followe  .  The  demands  upon  the  memory  are  rea- 
sonable, leaving  opportunity  for  the  play  of  other 
faculties.  By  fixing  the  attention  for  an  appreciable 
length  of  time  upon  one  nation,  pupils  get  a  sense  of 
personal  acquaintance  with  its  people.  They  form  a 
habit  of  looking  at  events  from  another  point  of  view. 
They  see  life  from  a  little  different  angle  from  that  to 
which  they  are  accustomed.  Gradually  their  con- 
ceptions cease  to  be  bounded  by  their  own  immediate 
horizon. 

The  general  aim  of  the  "Study  of  Nations"  calls 
ii 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

for  less  historical  material  than  is  ordinarily  required 
for  a  course  in  Modern  European  History.  Since 
much  time  is  given  to  the  study  of  present-day  con- 
ditions, the  study  of  the  past  is  necessarily  abbre- 
viated. 

To  teachers  who  regard  history  as  purely  an  infor- 
mational subject;  to  those  who  would  have  children 
"  study  history  in  order  to  know  history,"  this  may 
be  regarded  as  a  loss.  Questions  will  be  raised  es- 
pecially in  case  pupils  have  the  college  entrance  ex- 
aminations in  prospect.  Since  the  object  is  not  so 
much  to  teach  history  as  to  teach  how  to  use  it,  the 
results  may  not  be  readily  tested  by  examination. 
They  should,  however,  react  favorably  on  history 
work  in  college  classes.  For  the  pupil  who  is  not 
going  to  college  the  brief  outline  given  as  foundation 
for  further  study  has  been  deemed  sufficient. 

Moreover,  it  is  an  open  question  whether,  even 
as  a  means  of  storing  up  information,  the  so-called 
" problem  method"  here  adopted  may  not  prove 
quite  as  effective  as  the  pursuit  of  information  purely 
for  the  information's  sake.  Even  so  conservative  a 
publication  as  the  Report  of  the  Committee  of  Seven 
published  in  a  footnote  the  remark:  "  We  may  justly 
contend  that  an  effort  to  store  facts  in  pupils'  heads 
often  defeats  its  own  ends.  College  professors  who 
have  looked  over  examination  papers  for  many  years 
.  .  .  are  struck  by  the  marvelous  accumulation  of  mis- 
information which  has  been  accepted  and  held  with 

12 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

calm  belief  and  placid  assurance.  We  may  seriously 
inquire  whether  instruction  in  method  of  looking  at 
facts  and  training  in  thinking  about  them  would  not 
leave  a  greater  residuum  of  actual  information."  This 
"instruction  in  method  of  looking  at  facts  and  train- 
ing in  thinking  about  them"  is  exactly  the  aim  of  the 
teacher  in  the  "Study  of  Nations."  Observation  of 
the  progress  of  pupils  has  led  to  the  conclusion  that 
facts  studied  because  they  are  wanted  are  more  easily 
acquired  and  more  readily  retained  in  the  memory 
than  facts  which  are  consciously  stored  away  for 
future  use. 

While  some  teachers  are  critical  of  the  "Study  of 
Nations"  because  it  offers  too  little  historical  infor- 
mation, others,  with  perhaps  more  reason,  feel  that 
the  course  covers  too  much  territory;  that  too  many 
ideas  are  introduced.  This  is,  indeed,  a  very  real 
danger.  The  experience  of  future  years  will  perhaps 
point  to  the  wisdom  of  limiting  the  borders  of  the 
work  in  the  interest  of  greater  thoroughness.  Ac- 
cording to  Charles  Dudley  Warner,  no  gardener 
should  trust  himself  to  thin  his  own  turnips;  the 
same  principle  applies  to  the  maker  of  a  historical 
outline.  Each  topic  in  turn  seems  so  valuable  that 
the  process  of  elimination  is  slow  and  painful.  The 
tendency  is  to  leave  too  much  and  spoil  the  crop. 
At  this  point  a  candid  critic  may  be  very  helpful. 

The  proposed  course  of  study  must  not  demand 
too  much,  either  of  pupil  or  teacher.  It  must  be 

13 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

reasonably  adaptable  to  the  conditions  of  high-school 
teaching  in  the  average  community.  Some  of  the 
most  insistent  questions  that  arise,  whenever  the 
"  Study  of  Nations  "  is  under  discussion,  refer  not  to 
the  intrinsic  value  of  the  course  nor  to  the  richness  of 
its  promise,  but  to  the  difficulties  confronting  the 
teacher  in  the  ordinary  school.  In  many  cases  lack 
of  material  seems  likely  to  hamper  effective  teaching. 
Modern  history  is  not  in  this  respect  like  Community 
Civics  which  is  studied  in  the  midst  of  its  own  la- 
boratory —  the  community  itself.  It  goes  far  afield. 
Books,  maps,  papers,  and  magazines  must  be  at  hand 
in  generous  supply.  This  condition  is  no  more  com- 
pulsory in  the  "Study  of  Nations,"  however,  than  in 
any  course  in  history.  Most  school  officials  are  now 
accustomed  to  the  idea  that  the  textbook  alone  is 
not  suitable  provision  for  the  work.  The  school 
library  movement  is  spreading  rapidly.  The  Com- 
mittee on  Public  Information,  too,  is  proving  a  valu- 
able ally.  Many  of  its  publications  are  of  the  highest 
usefulness.  With  all  this  aid  it  would  seem  that 
meagerness  of  equipment  ought  not  long  to  prove  an 
insurmountable  barrier. 

Even  more  than  lack  of  material,  lack  of  time  and 
of  strength  are  deterrent  factors  to  many  teachers.  It 
must  be  confessed  that  the  " Study  of  Nations"  de- 
mands of  the  instructor  hard,  unremitting  study,  not 
only  in  laying  out  the  work,  but  in  carrying  it  on 
from  day  to  day.  The  lesson  is  never  learned.  One 

14 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

may  never  close  the  book  with  a  clear  conscience. 
The  work  must  be  kept  "up  to  the  minute."  Wide 
reading  from  a  great  variety  of  sources  is  a  constant 
necessity.  Any  critical  scholarship  of  which  the 
teacher  is  possessed  is  called  upon  to  the  very  last 
iota.  Yet  such  work  is  a  healthy  form  of  exercise. 
Much  of  the  reading  is  of  the  kind  which  an  intelli- 
gent person  would  wish  to  do  if  no  professional  neces- 
sity impelled.  Even  with  this  allowance,  the  fact 
remains  that  the  teacher  who  is  to  undertake  the 
course  must  have  adequate  time  for  it.  The  neces- 
sity for  teaching  every  period  in  the  day  and  correct- 
ing papers  all  the  evening  would  preclude  all  possi- 
bility of  success.  Nor,  indeed,  can  any  other  course 
in  history  be  well  taught  under  like  conditions.  The 
requirements  for  the  "Study  of  Nations"  merely 
emphasize  the  universal  need  of  the  teacher,  namely, 
the  chance  to  grow. 

The  real  test  of  the  success  of  any  educational  ex- 
periment, however,  is  not  its  effect  on  the  critics  nor 
its  effect  on  the  teacher,  but  its  effect  on  the  pupils. 
The  teacher  who  is  conducting  the  course  is  exactly 
in  the  position  of  the  boy  who  said  he  was  taking  the 
"  Study  of  Nations  "  in  order  "to  find  out  what  history 
is  and  what  it  does  to  the  mind."  Of  course  only  the 
observation  of  many  years  can  entitle  one  to  tell 
what  any  course  of  study  "  does  to  the  mind."  After 
only  three  years'  trial  one  hesitates  to  express  any 
opinion  on  the  subject.  Yet  one  may  be  permitted 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

to  record  the  results  of  observation,  if  it  is  clearly 
understood  that  no  final  conclusion  is  offered. 

One  result  of  the  method  in  the  classroom  is  to  les- 
sen the  domination  of  the  textbook.  Although  pupils 
are  provided  with  a  text  in  European  history  which 
at  certain  periods  of  the  work  is  in  constant  use,  for 
the  most  part  they  are  obliged  to  go  hunting  in 
larger  fields.  The  Statesman's  Year  Book,  the  library, 
the  magazines,  and  daily  papers  are  the  recognized 
tools.  There  is  no  occasion  here  to  discuss  the  rela- 
tive merits  of  the  textbook  and  the  library  methods. 
Most  teachers  have  already  decided  opinions  on  the 
subject.  The' character  of  these  opinions  will  largely 
color  their  judgment  of  a  course  which  is  so  consti- 
tuted that  reliance  on  a  single  book  is  impossible. 

With  the  passing  of  the  textbook,  the  old-fashioned 
form  of  recitation  also  tends  to  disappear.  One  ob- 
ject of  the  teacher  is  to  arouse  the  class  from  the 
passive  attitude  induced  by  years  of  public-school 
training  to  a  measure  of  activity  and  initiative.  It  is 
desired  that  more  questions  be  asked  by  the  pupils 
than  by  the  teacher.  There  is  little  chance  for  for- 
mal recitations.  With  some  classes  this  ideal  can- 
not be  realized,  but  many  pupils  by  their  comments 
indicate  that  they  value  this  opportunity  for  self- 
expression.  "I  like  better  discussion  in  class  than 
just  reciting  out  of  a  book/*  wrote  one.  "It  gives 
a  chance  to  use  your  brains  and  not  take  things  just 
because  the  book  said  so."  Another  noted  the  fact 

16 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

that  "in  class  we  have  taken  up  both  sides  which 
convinces  a  person  quicker  than  having  to  take  it 
because  somebody  says  it  is  true."  Another  said 
she  liked  class  discussion  best  because  she  was  not 
obliged  to  keep  wondering  what  question  was  coming 
next.  A  few  children  intimated  that  they  would  feel 
safer  about  their  ranks  at  the  end  of  the  term  if  they 
had  a  single  book  and  could  learn  it,  but  the  majority 
favored  more  general  class  discussion.  It  may  be 
said  with  safety,  it  appears,  that  the  method  of  the 
"Study  of  Nations"  tends  to  encourage  self-activity. 

This  very  tendency  to  free  discussion,  however, 
has  proved  to  have  its  dangers.  Experience  has 
shown  that  the  teacher  must  be  constantly  on  guard 
to  keep  the  discussion  from  wandering  in  the  clouds. 
Unless  the  class  is  held  rigidly  to  facts  and  to  the 
subject  in  hand,  outlines  become  hazy  and  the  se- 
quence of  events  confused,  so  that  the  whole  work 
lacks  form  and  substance.  This  is  the  age  of  free 
verse,  but  the  time  is  not  yet  come  for  free  history. 
Even  free  discussion  must  be  carefully  regulated. 
Constant  reference  must  be  made  to  topical  outlines, 
maps,  and  comparative  tables,  and  every  possible 
device  must  be  employed  to  avoid  loose  thinking. 

We  have  not  yet  discovered  what  the  "Study  of 
Nations"  "does  to  the  mind,"  nor  how  it  contributes 
toward  the  development  of  a  social  conscience  which 
will  include  in  its  scope  all  races  and  peoples.  No 
measurements  exist  for  testing  these  values.  At  the 

17 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

end  of  the  course,  however,  pupils  have  been  put  to 
the  question.  They  have  been  asked  to  say  frankly 
whether  as  a  result  of  the  year's  work  they  found 
themselves  more  broad-minded,  more  sympathetic 
toward  people  of  alien  race  and  customs.  Their 
answers  may  be  regarded  as  straws  showing  the  direc- 
tion of  the  wind.  The  answers  of  one  division  were 
typical  of  all.1 

Many  of  them  simply  said:  "Yes!"  or  "Yes,  I 
think  so."  One  said:  "If  not  broad-minded,  at  least 
awakened."  Another,  taking  the  question  more  per- 
sonally, wrote:  "I  have  unconsciously  formed  the 
habit  of  thinking  out  problems  that  come  up  from  the 
relationship  of  the  nations,  and  not  taking  sides  or 
becoming  over-sure  of  myself.  I  think  I  can  appre- 
ciate correction  or  criticism  on  any  subject  with  a 
better  grace  than  I  could  before  I  took  the  course." 
The  next  one  said:  "I  am  learning  to  be  more  toler- 
ant, but  it  comes  hard."  Another:  " I  think  perhaps 
I  am  more  broad-minded,  for  by  studying  about  the 
customs,  government,  and  sentiments  of  different 
nations,  some  of  the  petty  prejudices  I  held  toward 
them  have  disappeared." 

Several  pupils  went  into  more  detail  and  explained 
just  where  their  prejudices  and  misconceptions  had 
weakened.  "The  principal  benefit  I  have  gained," 
said  one,  "is  the  appreciation  and  value  of  some  of 

1  These  paragraphs  are  reprinted  from  the  History  Teacfiers' 
Magazine,  October,  1917,  p.  267. 

18 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

the  Europeans.  Most  pupils,  like  myself,  thought 
Italy  a  land  of  bricklayers,  Russia  one  of  anarchists, 
etc.  Now,  Italy  an  important  factor  in  the  develop- 
ment of  a  country,  Russia,  progressive  in  quite  a  few 
ways.  In  general  I  have  learned  that  most  countries 
in  a  general  way  are  similar."  Another  one  wrote: 
"I  am  in  greater  sympathy  with  the  Russian  people 
than  before.  I  always  had  the  idea  that  they  were 
just  a  slovenly,  ignorant  race.  However,  I  realize 
now  that  it  is  all  due  to  the  oppression  of  the  ruling 
forces.  For  the  Germans,  I  look  upon  them  with  a 
broader  view.  For  instance,  I  did  not  know  much 
about  the  Germans.  Since  studying  history  I  have 
seen  things  from  a  different  point  of  view.  I  always 
thought  them  an  easy-going,  intellectual  race  of 
people;  in  fact,  admired  the  race  in  general.  Now  I 
know  for  a  fact  that  they  are  a  well-educated,  well- 
cared-for  people.  Of  course,  in  the  present  war  I 
naturally  would  feel  a  hatred  for  Germany,  which 
I  do.  For  now  that  I  understand  the  good  training 
of  the  German  people,  I  cannot  understand  many  of 
their  seemingly  barbaric  actions."  Yet  another  tes- 
timony is : "  Of  course  I  have  no  love  for  Germany,  but 
in  the  study  of  her  country  I  found  many  things  in 
which  I  admire  German  efficiency.  .  .  .  Also  some 
of  the  Balkan  States,  I  have  great  pity  for  them.  I 
never  had  much  liking  for  a  Greek,  but  since  I  have 
learned  about  their  bravery  and  courage  I  like  them 
quite  well." 

19 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

Others  have  reached  the  point  where  they  are 
ready  to  generalize  a  little,  as  this  one:  "I  do  look 
upon  people  with  different  customs  with  more  toler- 
ance and  sympathy,  because  I  found  that  their  cus- 
toms were  to  them  just  the  same  as  ours  are  to  us, 
and  many  of  their  customs  are  better  too.  I  found 
that  they  have  their  points  of  view  the  same  as  any- 
body else."  As  another  one  put  it:  "  We  are  all  for- 
eigners to  some  one."  They  were  all  approaching  the 
feeling  expressed  in  broken  English  by  an  Armenian 
boy:  " I  don't  look  upon  people  of  difference  customs. 
I  look  upon  people  same  as  I  look  upon  my  brother." 
The  Armenian  made  a  mental  reservation  against  the 
Turk,  for  when  he  was  asked  to  tell  what  he  knew  of 
the  Turks  to-day,  he  replied:  "They  don't  like  us,  so 
of  course  we  don't  like  them.  I  can't  talk  of  them." 
We  hope  the  little  girl  of  German  parentage  had  no 
mental  reservations  when  she  wrote:  "The  world  is 
my  country.  All  are  my  brothers." 

From  these  naive  confessions  one  gains  a  hint  of 
the  part  which  the  ideal  course  in  the  "Study  of  Na- 
tions" may  play  in  the  great  work  of  Americaniza- 
tion. To  the  foreign-born  it  may  bring  some  appre- 
ciation of  the  richness  of  their  racial  heritage.  Young 
people  of  foreign  ancestry,  the  social  workers  tell  us, 
are  often  in  grave  danger  because  of  the  sharp  break 
between  their  life  and  that  of  their  fathers.  In  the 
flush  of  their  new  Americanism  they  are  inclined  to 
throw  off  all  parental  restraint  —  to  their  great  loss. 

20 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

If  the  gap  between  the  generations  could  be  bridged 
by  mutual  understanding  many  tragedies  might  be 
avoided.  This  is  one  mission  of  the  "  Study  of  Na- 
tions "  —  to  put  the  young  people  in  touch  with  their 
historic  traditions. 

For  the  native-born  the  " Study  of  Nations"  may 
likewise  work  for  Americanization.  It  may  serve 
to  enlarge  their  conceptions  of  Americanism.  For 
American  democracy  should  have  no  place  for  petty 
provincial  notions.  It  is  not,  like  the  Athenian  de- 
mocracy, confined  to  those  of  native  birth  and  ances- 
try. It  includes  many  races  and  divers  tongues. 
Demos  was  indeed  narrow  and  exclusive,  but  Ameri- 
can citizenship  must  be  conceived  of  as  broad  and 
many-sided,  including  all  the  racial  elements  of  its 
mixed  population.  To  this  end  a  common  knowledge 
of  these  races  is  essential. 

Lastly,  both  the  foreign-born  and  the  native  Amer- 
ican need  just  now  to  reflect  on  the  value  which  the 
idea  of  nationality  has  had  for  human  history.  Even 
a  brief  survey  of  the  rich  gifts  which  the  nations  have 
made  to  the  treasury  of  modern  civilization  may 
serve  to  give  needed  emphasis  to  the  worth  of  the 
modern  democratic  nation,  both  as  an  organization 
and  as  an  ideal. 

In  comparison  with  some  recent  educational  exper- 
iments the  method  of  the  "  Study  of  Nations  "  is  suffi- 
ciently conservative.  It  acknowledges  the  value  of 
chronology  and  historical  perspective.  It  aims  to 

21 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

present  an  organized  body  of  material,  logically 
arranged  and  topically  outlined.  It  insists  upon  a 
basic  mastery  of  historical  fact.  The  individualist 
aims  of  the  older  historical  training  are  its  aims  as 
well.  More  than  knowledge,  however,  it  values  the 
state  of  mind  that  grows  out  of  it.  More  than  on 
arbitrary  discipline  it  counts  for  results  upon  the 
active  interest  and  cooperative  effort  of  the  pupil. 
With  the  individual  conscience  it  would  develop  the 
social  conscience.  As  an  element  of  national  patri- 
otism, it  would  inculcate  a  broad  spirit  of  international 
sympathy  and  understanding. 


II 

EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

1.  FRANCE 

THE  subject  for  the  opening  lessons  in  the  "Study  of 
Nations"  is  a  matter  for  careful  choice.  The  first 
nation  to  be  studied  must  fulfill  the  most  exacting 
requirements.  Its  appeal  to  the  interest  of  the  class 
must  be  potent  and  alluring.  It  must  offer  varied 
avenues  of  approach  to  meet  the  differing  interests 
of  pupils.  The  people  presented  for  the  initial  study 
must  be  of  the  first  importance  historically.  The 
nation's  story  must  be  founded  on  the  great  move- 
ments of  the  world's  history;  otherwise  the  student 
will  be  following  only  a  by-path  when  he  should  be 
moving  with  the  great  currents  of  life.  The  first 
nation  must  start  him  on  his  way,  alert  and  eager. 
It  must  also  provide  for  the  larger  interests  which  are 
to  come  with  the  wider  outlook. 

Of  all  European  nations  the  Republic  of  France 
appears  best  fitted  to  meet  these  demands.  France 
makes  a  peculiar  appeal  to  the  youthful  imagination. 
The  writer  well  remembers  in  her  own  case  one  night 
of  wakeful  rapture  before  the  day  when  she  was  to 
begin  the  study  of  French.  She  seemed  to  herself  on 

23 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

the  very  threshold  of  romance,  about  to  enter  by  that 
one  step  into  a  larger  and  more  glorious  world  than 
that  of  prosaic  every  day.  If  by  beginning  with  the 
French  nation  something  of  this  glamour  can  be  cast 
over  the  "Study  of  Nations,"  the  choice  will  be 
justified. 

Just  now  popular  enthusiasm  for  France  is  un- 
bounded. "The  Marseillaise"  is  almost  as  famil- 
iar as  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner."  The  Tricolor 
waves  with  the  Stars  and  Stripes.  In  the  high  schools 
large  classes  are  attracted  by  courses  in  the  French 
language.  Most  pupils  have  recently  had  brothers 
or  friends  "somewhere  in  France."  It  is  the  land  of 
their  dreams.  Any  reference  to  it  excites  lively  curios- 
ity. No  better  field  for  an  opening  need  be  desired. 

The  choice  of  France  offers  the  further  advantage 
that  its  history  has  been  pleasantly  connected  with 
our  own.  In  the  lower  schools  children  have  learned 
to  look  at  Lafayette  as  a  familiar  acquaintance. 
They  have  been  taught  to  value  the  aid  given  by 
French  arms  to  the  Americans  in  their  struggle  for 
liberty.  They  are  ready  to  approach  in  a  friendly 
spirit  the  study  of  their  benefactors.  The  further 
value  of  French  history  as  a  preparation  for  the  study 
of  other  nations  is  obvious.  All  the  great  movements 
of  the  successive  centuries  are  here  exemplified.  Feu- 
dalism, chivalry,  absolute  monarchy,  revolution  — 
each  in  turn  was  carried  to  its  logical  development  in 
France.  The  student  who  is  well  grounded  in  French 

24 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

history  has  laid  the  foundation  for  a  mastery  of  the 
history  of  all  Europe. 

As  a  guide  to  the  truly  significant  qualities  in 
French  life  and  character,  George  Meredith's  "Ode 
to  France,  1870,"  has  been  invaluable.  There  are 
those,  indeed,  who  hold  that  poetical  literature 
should  have  no  place  in  historical  instruction.  In 
this  case,  however,  the  poet  has  been  able  to  bring 
out  the  inner  meaning  of  events  better  than  all  the 
historians.  To  the  teacher  he  has  been  a  constant 
source  of  illumination  and  guidance.  For  the  use  of 
pupils  short  extracts  from  the  "Ode"  have  even  been 
included  in  the  topical  outline  to  give  the  key-note 
for  class  discussion. 

On  the  first  day  the  attack  may  be  made  at  any 
well-chosen  point.  Since  the  material  side  of  civil- 
ization is  easiest  to  grasp,  the  Somerville  classes  have 
generally  begun  by  making  a  list  6f  all  examples  of 
French  workmanship  that  they  have  seen.  French 
styles  generally  head  the  list  as  the  first  suggestion, 
but  before  the  hour  is  over  a  very  respectable  start 
has  been  made  toward  a  comprehensive  view  of  the 
gifts  of  France  to  the  material  civilization  of  the 
world.  Already  the  pupils  get  a  hint  of  the  peculiar 
artistry  and  skill  by  which  French  workmen  have 
made  of  crude  materials  things  of  wonder  and  delight. 
The  reason  is  clear  why  George  Meredith  calls  France 
"Mother  of  luxuries/'  and  "Transcendent  in  her  arts 
and  looms."  To  American  children  this  study  of  a 

25 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

people  whose  chief  industrial  asset  is  their  artistic 
skill  cannot  fail  to  be  fruitful. 

This  beginning  is  followed  by  the  assignment  of 
special  topics  on  French  handicrafts.  The  pupil  who 
suggested  French  styles  as  a  topic  is  referred  to  the 
account  of  the  founder  of  the  House  of  Paquin  in 
Charles  Dawbarn's  Makers  of  New  France.  So  it  has 
happened  that  a  little  girl  dressed  in  a  straight  serge 
slip,  with  her  hair  tightly  braided  in  pig-tails,  has 
electrified  the  school  librarian  by  asking  where  she 
could  find  the  book  about  the  Paris  dressmaker, 
"  Madame  Pack-you-in."  She  found  the  book,  and 
it  is  hoped,  gained  from  it  some  appreciation  of  the 
mingling  of  business  shrewdness  and  artistic  skill 
which  have  made  of  the  Rue  de  la  Paix  one  of  the 
wonders  of  the  world.  Meantime  the  boy  whose 
eyes  have  been  fixed  wistfully  on  the  aviation  schools 
turns  his  attention  to  the  work  of  Bleriot.  Girls  with 
a  taste  for  " fancy  work"  make  a  study  of  French 
tapestry  or  laces.  The  fine  pottery  or  the  exquisite 
work  of  the  French  jewelers  furnishes  topics  for  others. 
In  every  case  the  personal  taste  or  interest  of  the  stu- 
dent determines  the  choice  of  subject. 

After  these  special  topics  have  been  prepared  in 
the  library,  the  class  in  a  body  visits  the  Boston 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts.  Here  the  Museum  Instructor1 
has  made  a  special  study  of  the  needs  of  this  course. 
At  all  times  one  of  the  best  friends  of  the  teacher,  in 

1  Mrs.  Robert  L.  Scales. 
26 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

I  connection  with  this  study  of  France  she  has  drawn 
upon  the  resources  of  the  Museum  with  surpassing 
skill.  In  the  course  of  an  hour  under  her  guidance 
pupils  get  a  truer  impression  of  the  nature  of  the 
French  genius  than  from  hours  of  library  reading. 
Painting,  sculpture,  architecture,  and  handicrafts, 
all  are  used  to  show  the  national  characteristics.  Even 
the  life  of  the  peasant  is  revealed  on  the  canvases  of 
Millet.  The  class  is  held  breathless  and  fascinated. 
One  is  not  surprised  to  hear  a  girl  say  as  she  leaves 
the  building:  "I  know  I  shall  not  like  any  other  na- 
tion as  well  as  France." 

Meantime  the  lesson  hours  had  been  devoted  to 
other  phases  of  the  national  development.  After  a 
brief  survey  of  the  land  of  France,  the  "  bountiful  fair 
land  of  vine  and  grain,"  with  such  map  work  and 
descriptive  material  as  time  allowed,  it  seemed  oppor- 
tune to  inquire  into  the  origins  of  the  French  nation. 
This  gave  a  chance  to  make  connection  with  the  work 
of  the  previous  year.  The  question  naturally  arose, 
"How  has  it  come  about  that  we  have  a  distinct  na- 
tion called  France?"  A  rapid  textbook  review  gave 
an  answer  to  this  question.  The  story  began  with 
the  break-up  of  Charlemagne's  empire  and  the  treat- 
ies of  Verdun  and  Mersen.  The  Strasbourg  oaths, 
by  the  way,  bore  witness  to  the  gradual  development 
of  the  distinctive  French  language.  This  review 
might  be  extended  through  the  story  of  French  politi- 
cal development.  In  practice  it  has  been  made  very 

27 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

brief.  The  connection  with  previous  work  has  been 
secured  chiefly  through  the  study  of  some  of  the  great 
characters  in  French  history  who  have  conspicuously 
contributed  to  the  making  of  the  French  historic 
tradition. 

This  task,  involving  the  attempt  to  create  in  pupils 
a  sense  of  historic  tradition,  is  indeed  difficult.  It 
would  be  useless  to  attack  it  by  means  of  statement  or 
definition.  We  are  dealing  with  influences  too  subtle 
for  mere  dictionary  usage.  They  must  be  felt  rather 
than  defined.  Yet  some  effort  must  be  made  to  con- 
vey at  least  a  dim  idea  of  the  difference  between  the 
French  spirit  and  that  of  America.  With  more  ad- 
vanced students  it  might  be  done  through  the  me- 
dium of  literature.  In  the  secondary  school  there  is 
no  time  for  such  work,  nor  are  the  pupils  sufficiently 
mature.  The  "  openness  of  mind  and  flexibility  of 
intelligence/'  which  were  to  Matthew  Arnold  the 
characteristics  of  the  French  literary  genius,  could 
neither  be  recognized  nor  appreciated  by  high-school 
students.  But  boys  and  girls  are  natural  hero  wor- 
shipers. They  can  understand  the  influence  of  great 
characters  in  the  making  of  nations.  Through  the 
study  of  the  national  leaders  in  successive  generations 
they  can  gain  indirectly  some  comprehension  of  the 
national  character.  It  seems  worth  while,  therefore, 
in  spite  of  difficulties,  to  make  an  effort  to  build  up 
a  conception  of  the  traditions  which  are  the  legacy  of 
the  present  generation  of  Frenchmen. 

28 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

For  this  purpose  probably  no  two  teachers  would 
make  the  same  choice  of  subjects.  In  the  accom- 
panying outline  Roland  stands  first  on  the  list.  Se- 
lections may  be  made  from  any  of  the  numerous 
translations  of  the  Chanson  de  Roland.  Sometimes 
it  happens  that  pupils  are  already  familiar  with  the 
story.  It  is  easy  to  see  how  this  old  "epic  of  death 
for  fair  France"  contributes  to  patriotic  enthusiasm. 
Ambassador  Jusserand  comments  on  the  character 
of  Roland  as  descriptive  of  the  French  character 
to-day  in  the  willingness  of  the  men  to  die  not  only 
for  victory,  but,  if  necessary,  for  honor  in  defeat. 
Two  striking  characteristics  of  the  days  of  chivalry 
stand  out  sharply  in  this  story  of  Roland  —  loyalty 
to  one's  suzerain  and  love  of  one's  sword.  Studied 
in  connection  with  the  story  of  Chevalier  Bayard, 
"knight  without  fear  and  without  reproach,"  the 
Song  of  Roland  shows  at  its  best  the  European  inher- 
itance from  the  days  of  chivalry. 

Another  figure  which  stands  out  sharply  in  the  his- 
toric background  is  that  of  Louis  IX,  "the  king  who 
ruled  in  righteousness."  The  chroniclers  make  him 
a  hero  to  be  affectionately  remembered,  whether 
administering  justice  to  his  people  through  the  organ- 
ized forms  of  law  or  sitting  in  patriarchal  fashion 
under  the  oaks  of  Vincennes.  Sometimes  the  class, 
with  the  aid  of  pictures,  makes  an  imaginary  pilgrim- 
age to  the  Isle  de  Cite,  visits  the  modern  Palais  de 
Justice  which  takes  the  place  of  his  royal  court,  or 

29 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

stands  with  him  in  worship  beneath  the  glowing 
windows  of  La  Sainte  Chapelle. 

Next  in  order  comes  Joan  the  Maid,  whose  saintly 
heroism  is  so  familiar  that  its  influence  is  easily 
traced.  Her  story  seems  to  gain  in  popularity  with 
each  succeeding  century.  Now,  as  the  subject  of  a 
popular  song,  she  needs  no  introduction  to  youthful 
students. 

With  the  advent  of  Henry  IV  the  development  of 
royalty  of  a  modern  type  becomes  apparent.  Gal- 
lantry in  war,  tolerance  in  matters  of  religion,  a  care 
for  public  improvements,  and  solicitude  as  to  the 
working-man's  Sunday  dinner  belong  to  kingship  of  a 
more  familiar  order  than  the  shadowy  saintliness  of 
Louis  IX.  It  paves  the  way  for  the  study  of  Cardinal 
Richelieu,  in  whose  work  the  idea  of  absolute  kingly 
powere  merges  in  clear  outline.  He  in  turn  prepares 
the  mind  for  the  royal  magnificence  of  Louis  XIV. 

The  age  of  the  Grand  Monarque  helps  to  illustrate 
and  explain  many  traits  of  the  French  people  to-day. 
The  punctilious  courtesy  of  French  society,  its  sen- 
sitiveness to  all  that  is  gracious  and  charming  in 
social  intercourse  shows  the  influence  of  the  old 
courtly  etiquette.  The  French  Academy  still  exists 
as  a  symbol  of  the  national  reverence  for  the  French 
language  as  an  instrument  of  fine  art.  Under  Louis 
XIV  that  logical  and  orderly  habit  of  mind  which 
marks  the  people  of  contemporary  France  carried 
law  and  order  to  the  limit  of  absolutism,  as  it  had 

30 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

previously  carried  feudalism  to  its  most  complete 
development. 

This  group  of  leaders,  it  is  believed,  fairly  typifies 
various  sides  of  French  character.  The  exact  meas- 
ure of  their  influence  may  not  be  traced  by  the  most 
capable  student,  but  the  general  tendency  of  their 
lives  can  be  felt  by  the  dullest.  A  study  of  their 
careers,  it  would  seem,  should  contribute  to  a  fuller 
understanding  of  the  French  people. 

Politically,  France  stands  to-day  for  democracy. 
She  has  been  the  ally  of  the  United  States  as  a  sister 
republic,  warring  against  the  powers  of  absolutism. 
Her  significance  in  modern  history  lies  in  her  service 
as  the  missionary  to  Europe  of  the  doctrine  of  Liberte, 
Egalite,  Fraternite.  To  pupils  whose  previous  study 
of  Europe  terminated  with  the  year  1700,  this  situ- 
ation requires  some  explanation.  It  marks  a  star- 
tling break  with  the  traditions  of  the  French  mon- 
archy. They  want  to  know  how  it  happens  that  the 
people  who,  at  the  time  of  the  American  Revolution 
represented  the  most  autocratic  government  in 
Europe,  have  come  to  the  position  of  leaders  in  the 
cause  of  liberty.  For  an  answer  to  this  question 
they  are  directed  to  the  story  of  the  gradual  devel- 
opment in  France  of  the  democratic  ideal.  They 
trace  the  story  of  liberty  through  the  writings  of  the 
French  philosophers,  the  narratives  of  the  American 
Revolution,  and  the  fiery  processes  of  the  French 
Revolution. 

31 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

To  American  children  the  French  Revolution  takes 
on  peculiar  interest  as  it  reveals  the  close  interde-- 
pendence  of  French  and  American  thought  at  this 
period.     They  note  that  the  ideals  for  which  the 
American  patriots  fought  became   in   France   the 
watchwords  of  a  revolution  that  shook  all  Europe. 
At  this  point  it  has  been  found  profitable  to  read] 
extracts  from  the  correspondence  of  Frenchmen  who 
came  to  the  aid  of  America  and  mark  the  character- 
istics of  American  society  which  seemed  to  them  novel  i 
or  impressive.    The  journals  and  letters  of  Lafayette,  I 
Rochambeau,  and  many  others  abound  with  illus- 
trative material.     Most  illuminating  are  the  rap- 
tures of  Count  Segur  and  his  friends  over  the  "ver- 
itable  political   Eldorado"   which   they   found   in] 
America,  or  the  delight  of  Lafayette  in  the  "sim- 
plicity of  manners,  kindness,  love  of  country  and  of 
liberty,  and  the  delightful  equality  that  everywhere  5 
prevail."    Their  comments  bring  home  to  the  reader] 
the  glaring  contrasts  between  the  life  of  our  Revo- 
lutionary ancestors  and  the  manners  to  which  ourj 
French  allies  were  accustomed.    They  throw  brilliant 
side  lights  on  the  characteristics  of  French  society  | 
under  the  Old  R6gime.    They  also  serve  to  throw  into  j 
relief  the  blessings  of  freedom  —  blessings  which  the! 
children  of  a  republic  are  wont  to  take  too  much  for  \ 
granted. 

The  time  given  to  the  details  of  the  French  Revo- 
lution must  be  determined  by  circumstances.     To 

32 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

emphasize  the  central  idea  which  gives  meaning  to 
the  excesses  and  confusions  that  marked  the  course 
of  the  conflict  the  words  of  George  Meredith  have 
been  taken  as  a  text.  He  characterizes  the  France  of 
that  day  as 

"O  she  that  made  the  brave  appeal 
For  manhood  when  our  time  was  dark, 
And  from  our  fetters  drove  the  spark 
Which  was  as  lightning  to  reveal 
New  seasons  with  the  swifter  play 
Of  pulses,  and  benigner  day." 

The  whole  story  of  the  Revolution  was  studied  as  a 
commentary  on  this  poetic  image.  As  symbols  of 
this  leadership  of  France  over  the  forces  of  democ- 
racy, pupils  noted  with  interest  the  adoption  of  the 
Tricolor,  now  recognized  as  the  standard  of  liberty, 
and  the  choice  of  "The  Marseillaise"  as  the  French 
marching  song  of  freedom.  Even  the  Great  War  is 
seen  to  be  a  sequel  to  the  democratic  movement  in- 
augurated in  Europe  by  the  French  Revolution. 

The  career  of  Napoleon  is  studied  chiefly  to  explain 
the  meaning  of  the  term  "the  Napoleonic  ideal"  and 
to  measure  its  significance.  The  brief  account  of 
Napoleon  given  in  any  good  textbook  offers  sufficient 
material  for  discussion.  The  permanent  results  are 
emphasized  more  than  the  details  of  campaigns. 
Due  credit  is  given  for  the  good  done  by  Napoleon  in 
securing  for  future  generations  certain  revolutionary 
reforms,  like  the  abolition  of  privilege,  the  centraliz- 

33 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

ing  of  government  and  the  revision  of  law.  At  the 
same  time  the  deeper  moral  consequences  of  his  sys- 
tem, the  exaggerated  pride  in  military  glory,  the 
extreme  self-confidence,  the  restlessness  under  the 
monotony  of  peaceful  living,  which  hurried  France  to 
the  disaster  of  1870,  are  seen  to  date  back  to  the  ab- 
normal conditions  of  life  imposed  by  the  great  con- 
queror. Just  now,  too,  many  interesting  parallels 
can  be  drawn  between  the  causes  and  conduct  of  the 
two  great  wars,  that  of  Napoleon  and  that  of  our  own 
day. 

The  years  between  Waterloo  and  1870  were  passed 
over  lightly.  In  a  brief  study  the  rise  and  fall  of  suc- 
cessive governments  has  little  significance  except  for 
the  educational  value  of  these  changes  to  a  people 
learning  how  to  govern  themselves.  One  fact  stands 
out  in  high  relief  as  well  worth  attention,  namely, 
that  the  will  to  self-government  is  not  sufficient  for 
any  people,  unless  it  is  supplemented  by  the  lessons 
of  experience. 

With  the  outbreak  of  the  Franco-Prussian  War  the 
obvious  connection  of  passing  events  with  the  present 
crisis  calls  for  fuller  treatment.  The  causes  of  that 
war,  the  spirit  of  the  contending  parties,  and  the 
reason  for  the  outcome  of  the  struggle  all  require  care- 
ful attention.  In  this  connection  the  Alsace-Lorraine 
question  excites  lively  comment  and  discussion. 

The  striking  contrast  between  French  character 
as  exhibited  under  the  Second  Empire  and  as  revealed 

34 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

by  the  present  war  leads  to  a  study  of  the  Third 
Republic  as  a  school  of  moral  development.  Again 
the  words  of  George  Meredith  furnish  the  text: 

"  Lo,  Strength  is  of  the  plain  root- Virtues  born: 
Strength  shall  ye  gain  by  service,  prove  in  scorn, 
Train  by  endurance,  by  devotion  shape. 
Strength  is  not  won  by  miracle  or  rape. 
It  is  the  offspring  of  the  modest  years." 

Earlier  in  the  course  the  class  tried  to  discern  the 
qualities  which  the  French  people  had  received  as  an 
inheritance  from  the  day  of  chivalry.  Now  they 
searched  for  the  fruits  of  bitterness  and  defeat. 
They  found,  first,  moral  strength,  "the  offspring  of 
the  modest  years";  then,  frugality,  which  made  pos- 
sible the  prompt  payment  of  the  German  war  in- 
demnity; a  national  devotion  to  work  almost  as  a 
fine  art;  an  educational  system  which  trained  to 
thoroughness;  and  at  last  the  steadfastness  which  has 
successfully  withstood  the  second  German  onset. 

In  the  history  of  recent  years  little  attention  has 
been  paid  to  the  rise  and  fall  of  ministries  or  the  shift- 
ing of  parties.  The  chief  emphasis  is  placed  on  the 
French  system  of  republican  government.  Inciden- 
tally the  separation  of  Church  and  State,  and  the 
development  of  the  French  colonial  empire  has  re- 
ceived some  attention.  The  main  point  to  be  brought 
out,  however,  is  the  democratic  character  of  the 
French  government.  Its  peculiar  characteristics 
are  contrasted  with  the  features  of  the  American 

35 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

system.  Differences  are  noted  with  a  view  to  bring- 
ing out  the  fact  that  government  may  be  essentially 
democratic  even  though  under  varied  forms. 

The  conception  of  France  here  presented  is  suffi- 
ciently complex,  yet  it  is  far  from  complete.  Much 
of  the  noblest  French  thought  is  beyond  the  compre- 
hension of  the  high-school  pupil.  Some  characteris- 
tics of  French  society  had  best  be  left  to  the  consid- 
eration of  later  years.  The  pupil  must  understand 
that  he  is  not  yet  ready  to  pronounce  a  final  opinion. 
He  must  cultivate  an  open  mind.  His  present  im- 
pression must  be  constantly  corrected  or  expanded 
as  a  result  of  wider  reading  and  fuller  experience. 

FRANCE 
Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 

Keynote:  France,  1870.    George  Meredith. 

A.  The  Land  of  France. 

I.  Map  work,  France  in  1914. 
Boundaries. 

River  systems  and  canals.    . 
Important  centers  of  industry. 

II.  Products  of  France. 

France,  "Bountiful  fair  land  of  vine  and  grain." 

B.  Industries  of  France. 

France,  "Mother  of  luxuries." 

"Transcendent   in   her   foundries,    arts,    and 

looms." 
Special  Topic:  Studies  of  French  Handicrafts. 

36 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

References: 

Bracq,  France  under  the  Republic,  pp.  40-55. 

Brigham,  Commercial  Geography,  pp.  321-32. 

Fortescue,  "The  Burden  France  has  Borne";  in  Na- 
tional Geographic  Magazine,  March,  1917,  pp.  323-44. 

Greeley,  "The  France  of  To-day";  in  National  Geo- 
graphic Magazine,  September,  1914,  pp.  193  ff. 

Guerard,  French  Civilization  in  the  Nineteenth  Century, 
pp.  18-25. 

Hillis,  Studies  of  the  Great  War,  pp.  53-70. 

Jusserand,  "Our  First  Alliance";  in  National  Geographic 
Magazine,  June,  1917,  pp.  518-46. 

Jusserand,  "Our  Second  Alliance";  in  National  Geo- 
graphic Magazine,  June,  1917,  p.  565. 

Riggs,  "The  Beauties  of  France";  in  National  Geo- 
graphic Magazine,  November,  1915,  pp.  391-491. 

Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 
Part  II,  pp.  654-58. 

Robinson,  Commercial  Geography,  pp.  390-97. 

Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  History, 
pp.  244-48. 

Anon.,  "The  World's  Debt  to  France";  in  National 
Geographic  Magazine,  May,  1915,  pp.  491-501. 

The  Fine  Arts  in  France. 

French  painting  and  sculpture. 
French  architecture. 

Special  study  of  Rheims  Cathedral  and  of  Notre  Dame 
de  Paris. 

References: 
Bumpus,  Cathedrals  of  Northern  France,  pp.  28-69,  J47~ 

77- 

Cook,  Twenty-five  Great  Houses  of  France. 
Fowler,  History  of  Sculpture,  pp.  301-15,  353-64. 
Hourticq,  Art  in  France. 
Hoyt,  The  World's  Painters,  pp.  132-57. 

37 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

Masters  in  Art  (French  painters). 

Fennel,  French  Cathedrals. 

Van  Dyke,  A  Textbook  of  the  History  of  Painting. 

D.  The  French  Nation. 

I.  Discussion  of  the  Question:  How  does  it  happen  that 

we  have  a  distinct  nation  called  France? 
Review  in  textbook  of  the  beginnings  of  France. 
The  breaking  of  Charlemagne's  Empire. 
The  treaties  of  Verdun  and  Mersen. 
Development  of  the  French  nation  under  the 
Capetians. 

II.  The  origins  of  the  French  language. 

The  Strasbourg  oaths. 
References: 
Adams,  The  Growth  of  the  French  Nation,  pp.  47-48, 

54-59- 
Davis,  History  of  Medieval  and  Modern  Europe,  pp.  82- 

91. 

Munro,  A  History  of  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  18-23,  204-06. 
Robinson,  History  of  Western  Europe,  pp.  92-95. 

E.  The  Influence  of  the  Great  Figures  of  the  Past  on  the 

French  Historic  Tradition. 
I.  Roland. 

Reference: 

Chanson    de    Roland,   translated    by    John 
O'Hagan. 

II.  Louis  EX. 

References: 

Adams,  Growth  of  the  French  Nation,  pp.  89-96. 
B6mont  and  Monod,  Mediaval  Europe,  pp. 

413-20. 

Duruy,  History  of  France,  pp.  159-6"  5- 
Guizot,  History  of  France,  vol.  I,  pp.  433~53- 

38 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

Kitchin,  History  of  France,  vol.  I,  pp.  344-54. 
Masson,  Medieval  France,  pp.  92-132. 
Perry,  Saint  Louis. 
Robinson,  Readings  in  European  History,  vol. 

I,  pp.  212-18. 
Seignobos,  History  of  Medieval  and  Modern 

Civilization,  pp.  123-25. 
Thatcher   and   Schwill,   General  History   of 

Europe,  pp.  225-27. 

III.  Joan  of  Arc. 

References: 
Adams,  Growth  of  the  French  Nation,  pp.  130- 

32. 
Cheyney,  Readings  in  English  History,  pp. 

289-96. 
Colby,  Selections  from  the  Sources  of  English 

History,  pp.  113-17. 
Duruy,  History  of  France,  pp.  228-36. 
Kitchin,  History  of  France,  vol.  I,  pp.  536-53. 
Lowell,  Joan  of  Arc. 

IV.  Chevalier  Bayard. 

References: 

Guizot,  History  of  France,  vol.  n,  pp.  417, 424- 

25,  455-59,  vol.  m,  pp.  n,  57. 
Robinson,  Readings  in  European  History,  vol. 

n,  pp.  15-23. 

V.  Henry  of  Navarre. 
References: 
Adams,  Growth  of  the  French  Nation,  pp.  177- 

88. 

Duruy,  History  of  France,  pp.  372-84. 
Hassall,  The  French  People,  pp.  151-58. 
Montgomery,  Leading  Facts  of  French  History, 

pp.  166-69. 
Wakeman,  Europe,  1598-1715,  pp.  14-30- 

39 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

VI.  Cardinal  Richelieu. 
References: 
Adams,  Growth  of  the  French  Nation,  pp.  192- 

201. 
Harding,  Essentials  in  Medieval  and  Modern 

History,  pp.  342-45- 
Montgomery,  Leading  Facts  of  French  History, 

pp.  173-81- 
Robinson,  Readings  in  European  History,  vol. 

n,  pp.  268-72. 

Wakeman,  Europe,  1598-1715,  pp.  132-51. 
VH.  Louis  XIV. 

References: 
Adams,  Growth  of  the  French  Nation,  pp.  209- 

33- 
Duruy,  History  of  France,  pp.  460-67,  478- 

79- 

Hassall,  The  French  People,  pp.  170-85. 
Montgomery,  Leading  Facts  of  French  History, 

pp.  198-208. 
Robinson,  History  of  Western  Europe,  pp. 

495-508. 
Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp. 

387-400. 
Readings  in  European  History,  vol.  n,  pp.  272- 

77,  283-87. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European 

History,  Part  II,  pp.  58-71. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Readings  in  Modern 

European  History,  vol.  I,  pp.  5-12,  15-47. 
Robinson  and  Breasted,  Outlines  of  European 

History,  Part  I,  pp.  681-95. 
Seignobos,  History  of  Mediaval  and  Modern 

Civilization,  pp.  349-68. 
Whitcomb,  History  of  Modern  Europe,  pp. 

105-11. 

40 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

F.  France  the  Missionary  to  Europe  of  the  Doctrine  of 

Libertf,  Egalite*,  Fraternity. 

"O  she  that  made  the  brave  appeal 
For  manhood  when  our  time  was  dark, 
And  from  our  fetters  drove  the  spark 
Which  was  a  lightning  to  reveal 
New  seasons  with  the  swifter  play 
Of  pulses,  and  benigner  day." 

I.  Work  of  eighteenth-century  writers  in  educating 
French  thinkers  to  ideals  of  liberty  and  equality. 
Voltaire,  Rousseau. 

II.  Influence  of  the  American  Revolution. 

The  Americans  examples  of  men  living  under 
conditions  marked  by  liberty  and  equality. 

III.  The  Revolution  in  France. 

Causes. 

Evils  of  the  Old  Regime. 
Important  points  in  the  struggle. 

Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man. 

Successive  experiments  in  self-government. 

The  Tricolor  and  the  "Marseillaise "as  sym- 
bols of  the  new  France. 

IV.  Spread  of  the  revolutionary  idea  throughout  Europe. 

War  with  the  old  monarchies. 

The  revolutionary  spirit  as  a  military  force. 

References: 
Adams,  Growth  of  the  French  Nation,  pp.  254-55,  258- 

95- 
Davis,  History  of  Medieval  and  Modern  Europe,  pp. 

378-418. 

Hassall,  The  French  People,  pp.  212-30. 
Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  31-150.        _ 
Jusserand,  With  Americans  of  Past  and  Present  Days, 

pp.  9-21. 

41 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

Ogg,  Social  Progress  in  Contemporary  Europe,  pp. 

6-8,  10,  12-13,  15-29. 

Robinson,  History  of  Western  Europe,  pp.  537-91. 
Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,    pp.    464- 

525- 
Robinson,  Readings  in  European  History,  vol.  n,  pp. 

360-460. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 

Part  II,  pp.  127-32,  140-61*  172-249. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Readings  in  Modern  European 

History,  vol.  i,  pp.  138-99,  263-308. 
Seignobos,  History  of  Contemporary  Civilization,  pp. 

92-149. 

Sheldon,  Studies  in  General  History,  pp.  466-73. 
Thatcher  and  Schwill,  General  History  of  Europe,  pp. 

469-97. 

West,  The  Modern  World,  pp.  426-78. 
Whitcomb,  A  History  of  Modern  Europe,  pp.  135-58. 

G.  The  Napoleonic  Tradition. 

"Ah  what  a  dawn  of  splendour,  when  her  sowers 
Went  forth  and  bent  the  necks  of  populations, 
And  of  their  terrors  and  humiliations 
Wove  her  the  starry  wreath  that  earthward  lowers 
Now  in  the  figure  of  a  burning  yoke! "  etc. 

I.  Textbook  of  the  career  of  Napoleon  I. 
Special  topics  for  discussion. 
The  Character  of  Napoleon  I. 
Evils  of  the  Napoleonic  ideal. 
Comparison  of  economic  and  military  condi- 
tions during  the  Napoleonic  Wars  and  dur- 
ing the  Great  War. 

n.  Rapid  review  of  period  of  reconstruction  and  exper- 
iment. 

42 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

III.  France  under  the  Third  Napoleon. 

Characteristics    of    French   society  under   the 

Second  Empire. 
The  Franco-Prussian  War. 
Causes,  Events,  Results. 

Special  Topic  for  Discussion:  What  is  the  Napoleonic 
Tradition  and  what  has  been  the  character  of  its 
influence  ? 

References: 

Adams,  Growth  of  the  French  Nation,  pp.  295-315, 
325-29. 

Gu6rard,  French  Civilization  in  the  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury, pp.  55-77- 

Hassall,  The  French  People,  pp.  231-49,  278-94,  365- 
66. 

Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  183-247,  351- 

58. 

Robinson,  History  of  Western  Europe,  pp.  592-624. 
Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  526-62, 

597-98,  619-22. 
Robinson,  Readings  in  European  History,  vol.  n,  pp. 

465-529- 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 

Part  II,  pp.  250-312,  385-91- 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Readings  in  Modern  European 

History,  vol.  I,  pp.  309-71. 

Seignobos,  History  of  Contemporary  Civilization,  pp. 
r      170-85,  258-60. 
Thatcher  and  Schwill,  General  History  of  Europe,  pp. 

497-5i8,  546-58. 
West,  The  Modern  World,  pp.  480-505,  559-65,  588- 

90,  636-37. 
Whitcomb,  A  History  of  Modern  Europe,  pp.  i59~74> 

178-79- 


43 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

H.  The  Lesson  of  1870  by  which  France  is  profiting  to-day. 

"Lo,  Strength  is  of  the  plain  root- Virtues  born: 
Strength  shall  ye  gain  by  service,%prove  in  scorn, 
Train  by  endurance,  by  devotion  shape. 
Strength  is  not  won  by  miracle  or  rape. 
It  is  the  offspring  of  the  modest  years. " 

Frugality  and  economy  as  French  characteristics. 
Prompt  payment  of  the  German  indemnity. 
Devotion  to  work  as  a  fine  art. 
Thoroughness  of  education. 
References: 

Sergeant,  French  Perspectives,  pp.  94-110. 
West,  The  Modern  World,  pp.  649-51. 

I.  The  French  Government  of  to-day. 

Circumstances  under  which  it  was  formed. 
Peculiar  characteristics. 

Comparison  with  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 
References: 

Adams,  Growth  of  the  French  Nation,  pp.  329-37. 
Guerlac,  "The  French  Government ";  in  The  Historical 

Outlook,  October,  1918,  pp.  357-60. 
Hazen,  Europe  since  1815,  pp.  342-48. 
Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  65-80. 
Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  388-91. 
Ogg,  The  Governments  of  Europe,  pp.  304-19,  325-29. 
Ogg  and  Beard,  National  Governments  and  the  World 

War,  pp.  329-72,  381-88,  397-404. 
Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  636-37. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Development  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n,  pp.  159-61. 
Robinson   and   Beard,  Outlines   of  European   History, 

Part  II,  pp.  466-72. 
Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  History, 

PP-  233-39- 

44 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

Stoddard  and  Frank,  The  Stakes  of  the  War,  pp.  23-37, 

357-58. 
West,  The  Modern  World,  pp.  640-49. 

J.  Colonies  and  Dependencies  of  France. 
Map  work. 

Discussion  of  the  value  of  the  French  colonial  possessions. 
References: 

Coolidge,  Origins  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  pp.  191-208. 
Dawbarn,  France  and  the  French,  pp.  187-204,  207. 
Day,  History  of  Commerce,  pp.  229-39,  415-16. 
Gibbons,  The  New  Map  of  Africa,  pp.  38-42,  130-46, 

312-54,  374-90. 
Hayes,  Political  and  Social  History  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n,  pp.  160-61,  567-69,  629-32. 
Hazen,  Europe  since  1815,  pp.  371-75. 
Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  89-95. 
Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  403-08. 
Muir,  Expansion  of  Europe,  pp.  31-33,  80-84, 163-66, 

253-59. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Development  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n,  pp.  I75-79- 
Robinson   and   Beard,  Outlines   of  European   History, 

Part  II,  pp.  485-89. 
Robinson   and   Beard,  Readings  in  Modern  European 

History,  vol.  n,  pp.  224-37. 
Seignobos,  History   of  Contemporary   Civilization,   pp. 

355-65. 
West,  The  Modern  World,  pp.  651-53. 

K.  Recent  Changes  in  the  French  Republic. 
Separation  of  Church  and  State. 
Increasing  influence  of  Socialists  and  Syndicalists. 
Economic  and  social  experiments. 

Foundation  of  Ministry  of  Labour. 

Legislation  in  favor  of  the  laboring  man. 

Pension  and  insurance  systems. 

45 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

References: 
Bracq,  France  under  the  Republic,  pp.    136-55,    190- 

209,  428-41. 
Hayes,  Political  and  Social  History  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n,  pp.  270-71,  357-66. 
Hazen,  Europe  since  1815,  pp.  364-71. 
Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  85-89. 
Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  400-03. 
Holt  and  Chilton,  The  History  of  Europe,  1862-1914, 

pp.  310-12,  411-20. 
Ogg  and  Beard,  National  Governments  and  the  World 

War,  pp.  365-72. 

Robinson,  Last  Decade  of  European  History,  p.  xx. 
Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  637-42. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Development  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n,  pp.  166-75. 
Robinson  and   Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 

Part  II,  pp.  477-85- 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Readings  in  Modern  European 

History,  vol.  n,  pp.  224-37. 
Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  History, 

pp.  260-70. 


2.  ENGLAND 

"FRANCE  was  fascinating,  of  course,  but  England 
is  more  like  coming  home  somehow.  It  is  more  like 
our  way  of  thinking/'  In  these  words  pupils  have 
indicated  one  point  of  vantage  enjoyed  by  the  teacher 
of  English  history.  The  territory  is  familiar.  There 
is  no  language  barrier.  The  habit  of  thought  is  that 
to  which  both  teacher  and  pupils  have  been  bred.  For 
even  those  Americans  who  own  no  drop  of  English 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

blood  are  so  far  Anglicized  in  thought  that  England 
is  the  homeland  to  them  almost  as  truly  as  to  lineal 
descendants  of  Mayflower  passengers.  Interpreters 
between  England  and  America  are  not  required. 

It  is  well  that  England  offers  this  vantage-ground 
to  the  teacher.  The  English  system  of  government 
is  so  full  of  anomalies  and  contradictions  that  the 
task  of  instruction  is  diflicult  enough  at  best.  An- 
swers to  the  simplest  questions  must  be  modified  and 
qualified  beyond  all  hope  of  clearness.  What  is  the 
government  of  England?  Is  it  a  monarchy?  Is  it 
a  democracy?  Are  we  dealing  with  a  kingdom,  or  a 
federation  of  states,  or  an  empire?  What  is  the  unit 
of  nationality?  Is  it  England?  Is  it  Great  Britain? 
Is  it  the  British  Empire?  These  are  fundamental  ques- 
tions, but  it  is  a  wise  teacher  who  can  answer  them. 

Out  of  this  maze  of  complications  two  general 
topics  have  been  selected  as  main  lines  of  study  — 
England  as  the  mother  of  liberties,  and  England  as 
the  mother  of  colonies.  One  of  these  subjects  deals 
chiefly  with  the  growth  of  the  English  constitution; 
the  other  includes  the  great  commercial  and  imperial 
interests  of  the  British  Empire.  These,  with  some 
discussion  of  modern  social  and  industrial  problems, 
are  all  that  is  attempted  in  the  study  of  the  British 
nation.  The  resultant  concept  is  fragmentary,  in- 
deed, but  as  far  as  it  goes  it  is  clear  and  logical. 

Since  the  greatest  gift  of  England  to  the  world  has 
been  the  development  of  English  liberties,  the  first 

47 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

lesson  is  devoted  to  the  question  —  What  are  the 
fundamental  liberties  of  Englishmen?  A  discussion 
of  the  privileges  of  citizenship  in  the  United  States 
is  followed  by  a  comparison  of  these  free  conditions 
enjoyed  by  the  English  and  American  with  the  re- 
strictions imposed  upon  a  French  citizen  under  the 
Old  Regime  or  upon  a  Russian  under  the  Czars. 
Gradually,  by  this  process  of  contrast,  the  class  comes 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  absolute  essentials  of  lib- 
erty are  four  in  number  —  liberty  of  person,  free  con- 
trol of  property,  equal  justice  before  the  law,  and  a 
popular  share  in  the  government.  Around  these  four 
topics  is  centered  the  study  of  English  history  from 
1215  to  1911. 

After  the  definition  of  English  libertie. ,  the  next 
task  is  to  trace  their  development  through  the  cen- 
turies. The  great  documents  which  have  helped  to 
define  and  secure  these  liberties  for  successive  gen- 
erations are  the  landmarks  to  be  followed. 

First,  Magna  Carta,  "the  Bible  of  the  English  con- 
stitution/' is  subjected  to  careful  scrutiny.  Its  his- 
tory and  provisions  are  studied  that  the  pupil  may 
discover  how  it  dealt  with  the  four  essential  liberties 
above  mentioned.  The  difference  between  a  consti- 
tution which  is  the  fundamental  law  of  the  land  and 
a  charter  which  is  merely  a  treaty  between  king  and 
people  is  carefully  pointed  out.  Special  effort  is  made, 
however,  not  to  obscure  the  issue  by  introducing  too 
much  collateral  detail.  The  main  object  of  the  study 

48 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

is  kept  constantly  before  the  mind  —  to  find  just 
what  contribution  was  made  by  the  barons  at  Runny- 
mede  toward  the  definition  and  the  security  of  Eng- 
lish liberties. 

The  same  method  is  applied  in  turn  to  the  Con- 
firmation of  the  Charter,  the  Petition  of  Right,  and 
the  Bill  of  Rights.  When,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Puri- 
tan Revolution,  these  principles  of  liberty  have  been 
put  to  the  test  of  civil  war,  the  contest  is  studied 
rather  to  get  its  bearing  on  the  point  at  issue  than  for 
its  interest  as  a  narrative.  The  object  in  the  mind 
of  the  teacher  is  to  bring  pupils  to  the  conclusion  that 
liberty  does  not  grow  of  itself;  that  it  cannot  be  pre- 
served without  effort.  Its  value  to  humanity  is  to 
be  measure. a  by  its  cost  in  struggle. 

Under  the  general  heading,  "struggle  for  Govern- 
ment by  the  People/'  the  topics  are  divided  into  three 
groups  corresponding  to  the  three  great  stages  in  the 
development  of  popular  sovereignty. 

The  first  deals  with  the  period  of  intermittent  effort 
for  a  share  in  the  government  by  the  people.  It  be- 
gins with  the  provisions  in  Magna  Carta  for  the  Great 
Council  of  the  Baronage  and  extends  to  the  time 
when  Sir  John  Eliot  and  Wentworth  parted  company 
in  the  effort  to  define  the  proper  limits  of  parliamen- 
tary control. 

The  second  group  of  topics  is  concerned  with  the 
effort  to  establish  definitely  the  principle  of  parlia- 
mentary control  of  the  government.  This  period 

49 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

ends  with  the  great  parliamentary  victory  of  the  Bill 
of  Rights  and  the  Act  of  Succession. 

The  third  group  deals  with  the  establishment  of 
popular  control  over  the  government.  This  includes 
the  constitutional  reforms  of  the  nineteenth  and 
twentieth  centuries.  The  extension  of  the  franchise, 
the  evolution  of  a  responsible  ministry,  the  limita- 
tion of  the  power  of  the  House  of  Lords,  and  the  final 
extension  of  the  franchise  to  women,  all  come  under 
this  head. 

The  full  purpose,  however,  in  the  work  on  consti- 
tutional development,  which  is  to  cultivate  in  each 
pupil  an  appreciation  for  the  value  and  significance 
of  his  Anglo-Saxon  heritage,  can  be  most  easily 
achieved  by  laying  stress  upon  the  human  sacrifice 
involved.  Men  like  Sir  John  Eliot  or  Hampden  or 
Pym,  each  sacrificing  his  own  interest  for  what  he 
believed  to  be  the  public  good,  have  valuable  lessons 
for  the  rising  generation.  The  long  line  of  English- 
men who  have  given  their  lives  to  the  public  service 
in  the  cause  of  liberty  should  be  the  boy's  familiar 
acquaintances.  To  this  end  short  biographical  stud- 
ies have  been  introduced  in  connection  with  the  con- 
stitutional study.  The  choice  of  subjects  is  deter- 
mined by  the  character  of  the  available  reading 
material.  If  the  proper  equipment  is  at  hand,  the 
"  Study  of  Nations  "  by  this  means  will  retain  some- 
thing of  the  warmth  of  human  interest  which  tends  to 
disappear  in  dealing  with  large  groups  like  nations. 

50 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

This  somewhat  extended  study  of  the  develop- 
ment of  constitutional  liberty  in  England  has  proved 
of  value,  besides,  as  a  means  of  breaking  down  old 
prejudices.  Curiously  enough,  much  of  the  old 
revolutionary  antagonism  toward  England  as  a  ty- 
rant still  persists.  One  is  inclined  to  agree  with 
Mr.  AltschuPs  conclusion,  in  his  recent  study  of  the 
American  Revolution  in  American  history  textbooks,1 
that  this  feeling  is  largely  due  to  the  partisan,  anti- 
English  treatment  of  the  subject  in  the  school-books. 
This  feeling  has  shown  itself  in  the  minds  of  students 
beginning  the  "  Study  of  Nations."  Once,  during 
the  first  lesson  on  England,  when  it  was  suggested 
that  English  liberties  were  the  great  gift  of  England 
to  the  world,  voices  rose  in  dissent:  " Liberties!  Not 
until  we  fought  for  them ! ' '  The  pupils  were  prepared 
to  fight  the  battles  of  the  Revolution  over  again,  then 
and  there.  They  were  induced,  however,  to  reserve 
judgment  until  they  had  studied  the  matter  more  at 
length.  In  due  time  the  constitutional  questions  in- 
volved in  the  American  Revolution  came  up  for  dis- 
cussion, but  no  direct  reference  was  made  to  the 
question  of  England's  tyranny.  At  last,  when  the 
work  on  English  liberties  was  completed,  the  girl  who 
had  been  most  outspoken  in  condemnation  of  England 
rose  to  her  feet,  and  of  her  own  accord  made  a  very 
pretty  apology  for  the  class.  She  said,  in  substance: 

1  Altschul,  Charles:  The  American  Revolution  in  Our  School  Text" 
books.  George  H.  Doran  Company.  New  York,  1917. 

51 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

"When  we  spoke  against  England  at  first,  we  did  not 
understand  the  situation.  We  had  the  impression 
from  grammar-school  study  that  England  was  just 
a  tyrant.  Now  we  see  that  the  American  Revolution 
was  just  one  step  in  the  development  of  English  lib- 
erties. We  should  not  speak  of  England  in  that  way 
another  time."  She  had  learned  her  personal  debt 
to  the  British  constitution,  if  nothing  more. 

A  measure  of  economic  liberty  as  well  as  political 
liberty  is  England's  gift  to  her  people  to-day.  The 
fight  for  freedom  in  trade  goes  along  with  the  struggle 
for  the  right  to  vote.  Cobden  and  Bright  belong  with 
Hampden  and  Pym  as  champions  of  liberty.  The 
campaign  for  the  repeal  of  the  Cora  Laws  and  the 
later  extension  of  free-trade  principles  to  all  foreign 
commerce  form  the  subject  of  a  separate  group  of 
topics.  They  give  a  good  opportunity  for  a  little  dis- 
cussion of  the  relative  merits  of  free  trade  and  protec- 
tion, which  is  calculated  to  bring  out  the  peculiar 
economic  situation  of  England. 

For  an  understanding  of  the  present  industrial  sit- 
uation, the  students  must  hark  back  to  the  Industrial 
Revolution.  Familiar  already  from  earlier  study 
with  the  domestic  system  of  industry,  they  follow 
with  interest  the  story  of  the  successive  inventions 
which  led  to  the  present  factory  system.  Children 
to-day  are  better  equipped  than  in  former  years  to 
understand  the  sudden  transformation  resulting  from 
the  Industrial  Revolution,  since  they  have  personally 

52 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

observed  and  perhaps  experienced  the  effects  of  a 
similar  reorganization  of  industry  for  war  purposes. 
Many  community  problems,  like  the  housing  prob- 
lem or  the  question  of  transportation,  are  as  acute 
to-day  as  when  the  factory  system  was  new.  This 
makes  class  discussion  of  these  topics  more  vital  than 
ever  before. 

After  studying  in  brief  the  story  of  the  Industrial 
Revolution,  pupils  may  apply  to  the  study  of  English 
conditions  the  methods  of  Community  Civics.  They 
may  make  out  in  class  a  list  of  the  modern  community 
problems  which  have  clearly  grown  out  of  the  Indus- 
trial Revolution.  Each  pupil  may  choose  the  topic 
in  which  he  is  especially  interested  and  make  a  special 
report  upon  it,  based  on  library  reading  and  observa- 
tion. The  factory  acts,  the  child  labor  laws,  the 
housing  problem,  the  development  of  transportation 
facilities,  questions  at  issue  between  capital  and  la- 
bor, the  rise  of  trades  unions,  all  these  topics  will  be 
found  to  be  of  vital  importance  in  the  local  commun- 
ity as  well  as  in  the  history  of  England.  Pupils 
should  be  encouraged  to  get  first-hand  information 
about  them  by  talking  with  relatives  or  friends  who 
are  in  a  position  to  speak  with  authority.  England's 
method  of  dealing  with  these  problems  takes  on  new 
significance  in  the  light  of  personal  experience. 

In  like  manner  the  social  reforms  in  England  in 
recent  years  may  be  studied  as  solutions  for  familiar 
problems.  The  "  war  on  poverty  "  is  found  especially 

S3 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

interesting  because  it  deals  with  a  problem  with 
which  many  of  the  pupils  are  all  too  familiar.  Some- 
times they  can  hardly  wait  to  read  to  the  end  the 
story  of  the  Lloyd  George  measures,  so  eager  are  they 
to  know  at  once  whether  the  experiment  was  success- 
ful so  that  poverty  is  really  on  the  way  to  annihilation. 
In  this  connection,  also,  the  principles  and  promises 
of  socialism  come  up  for  brief  discussion. 

From  the  study  of  little  England  we  pass  to  con- 
sideration of  the  British  Empire.  The  widespread 
dominions  of  Great  Britain,  as  they  appear  on  the 
map,  call  from  the  class  questions  which  serve  as  a 
guiding  thread  for  the  study  of  the  narrative.  Two 
leading  questions  indicate  the  line  of  study  to  be  fol- 
lowed —  How  did  England  gain  this  empire?  and, 
How  does  she  keep  it? 

In  answer  to  the  first  question  any  good  topical 
outline  of  the  expansion  of  the  British  Empire  may 
be  followed.  The  story  of  the  English  mariners  of 
the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries,  with  due  regard 
to  the  spirit  and  motive  of  their  explorations,  is  fol- 
lowed by  the  account  of  the  great  trading  companies 
which  in  turn  prepared  the  way  for  the  world-strug- 
gle for  commerce  and  empire.  Professor  Seeley's  l 
view  of  eighteenth-century  history  as  centered 
around  the  struggle  for  colonial  supremacy  is  now  so 
universally  adopted  that  the  teacher  finds  it  easy  to 

1  Seeley,  J.  R.:  Expansion  of  England.  Little,  Brown  &  Com- 
pany. Boston,  1883. 

54 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

obtain  suitable  texts.  In  this  connection,  too,  the 
classes  have  found  it  interesting  to  review  once  more 
the  story  of  the  English  colonization  of  America,  this 
time  studying  the  colonies  as  business  enterprises. 
The  American  Revolution,  too,  comes  up  for  discus- 
sion again  from  the  economic  point  of  view.  Once 
again  the  consideration  of  the  colonies  as  a  part  of 
England  gives  a  new  aspect  to  the  American  Revolu- 
tion. The  expansion  of  England  in  the  nineteenth 
and  twentieth  centuries  is  studied  with  considerable 
care.  This  part  of  English  history  has  taken  on  new 
importance  with  the  outbreak  of  the  Great  War. 

Less  thrilling  than  this  story  of  conquest  and 
peaceful  expansion  is  the  answer  to  the  second  ques- 
tion suggested  above:  How  has  England  kept  her 
colonies?  Yet  the  example  of  administrative  skill 
which  England  has  given  to  the  world  in  the  govern- 
ment of  her  outlying  dominions  is  no  small  part  of  her 
service  to  humanity.  The  system  of  self-governing 
commonwealths  and  dependencies  which  make  up 
the  British  Empire,  with  all  its  imperfections,  is  quite 
as  worthy  of  careful  study  as  the  most  dramatic  deed 
of  daring  explorers. 

The  great  failure  in  Ireland  is  no  less  illuminating, 
and  nowhere  else  is  an  understanding  of  present  con- 
ditions so  dependent  upon  historical  information. 
The  bitterness  of  the  Home  Rule  controversy  is  in- 
comprehensible on  the  surface,  but  in  the  light  of 
history  the  motives  and  passions  of  the  conflict  are 

55 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

readily  accounted  for.  The  whole  story  of  Ireland, 
from  the  conquest  of  Henry  II  down  to  our  own  day, 
is  a  great  object  lesson,  moreover,  to  those  who  may 
themselves  be  called  upon  to  deal  with  dependent 
states.  Lastly,  it  may  be  used  to  show  the  possibil- 
ity of  dispassionate  discussion  on  a  subject  already 
heated  by  controversy. 

The  final  conclusion  drawn  by  a  pupil  from  the 
study  of  Ireland  was  this:  "I  have  learned  that  many 
things  the  countries  do  now,  can  be  explained  by  their 
past  history,  and  that  they  could  n't  be  expected  to 
do  much  different  in  their  view  of  the  circumstances." 
This  philosophic  conclusion  comes  to  most  of  us  only 
after  years  of  experience.  If  it  can  be  attained  thus 
early  through  the  study  of  the  past,  the  apologists 
for  history  in  the  schools  can  score  a  point  in  its 
favor. 

ENGLAND 

Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 

A.  English  Liberties  the  Great  Gift  of  England  to  the  World. 

I.  What  are  the  fundamental  English  liberties? 
Liberty  of  person. 
Free  control  of  property. 
Equal  justice  before  the  law. 
A  share  in  the  government  by  the  people. 

H.  What  have  English  liberties  cost? 
Landmarks  in  the  struggle. 
Magna  Carta,  1215. 
Confirmation  of  the  Charter,  1297. 

56 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

Petition  of  Right,  1628. 
Puritan  Revolution,  1640. 
Bill  of  Rights,  1689. 

III.  Outline  of  struggle  for  liberty  of  person. 

1.  Magna  Carta. 

Its  basis :  Charter  of  Henry  I. 

Leader  of  the  struggle:  Stephen  Langton. 

Provision  as  to  personal  liberty. 

"  No  man  shall  be  seized  or  imprisoned  or 
dispossessed  or  outlawed,  save  by  legal 
judgment  of  his  peers  or  by  the  law  of 
the  land." 

2.  Petition  of  Right. 

Arbitrary  imprisonment  forbidden. 

3.  The  Puritan  Revolution  partly  caused  by  the 

attempted  arrest  of  five  members  of  the 
House  of  Commons  by  the  King. 

4.  Habeas  Corpus  Act:  security  against  delay  of 

justice. 

IV.  Outline  of  struggle  for  free  control  of  property. 

1.  Provisions  of  Magna  Carta. 

None  but  the  customary  feudal  aids  to  be 
demanded  by  the  King  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  Great  Council  of  the  Baronage. 
!  Means  of  livelihood  to  be  left  to  the  poorest. 

2.  Confirmation  of  the  Charter  by  Edward  I. 

No  taxation  without  the  consent  of  the 
Council. 

3.  Control  over  taxation  exercised  by  the  Good 

Parliament. 

4.  Interruption  of  development  under  the  Tudor 

sovereigns. 

Queen  Elizabeth's  monopoly  speech. 

5.  Parliamentary  protest  against  benevolences 

under  James  I. 

57 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

6.  Petition  of  Right. 

Forced  loans  and  benevolences  forbidden 
by  act  of  Parliament. 

7.  Matters  in  dispute  put  to  the  arbitrament  of 

civil  war. 

8.  Parliamentary  control  over  taxation  secured 

by  the  Bill  of  Rights. 

V.  Outline  of  struggle  for  government  by  the  people. 

1.  Period  of  struggle  for  a  voice  in  the  gov- 

ernment by  representatives  of  the  people 
(1215-1640). 

a.  Provision  in  Magna  Carta  for  a  Great 
Council. 

b.  Parliament  of  Simon  de  Montfort. 

c.  Model  Parliament  of  Edward  I. 

Two  representatives  from  every  shire. 
1       Two  burgesses  from  every  borough. 

d.  Powers  exercised  by  the  Good  Parlia- 

ment. 

Control  of  taxation. 

Control  of  legislation. 

Control  of  the  King's  ministers. 

e.  Position  of  Parliament  under  the  Tudor 

sovereigns. 

Parliament  subservient  to  the  sover- 
eign, but  the  power  of  public  opinion 
still  strong. 

f.  Under  James  I. 

Royal  proclamations  declared  by 
Parliament  not  to  have  the  force  of 
law. 

2.  Period  of  struggle  to  establish  the  principle  of 

Parliamentary  control  over  the  government 
(1620-1688). 

a.  Contest  with  the  Stuart  sovereigns. 
Attitude  of  the  King. 

58 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

Claim  to  rule  by  divine  right. 
Attitude  of  Parliamentarians. 
The  right  to  rule  a  prerogative  of 

representatives  of  the  people. 
Chief  weapon  of  Parliament. 

The  power  of  the  purse. 
Important  phases  of  the  struggle. 
Fight  for  freedom  of  speech  in  Par- 
liament. 

Case  of  Sir  John  Eliot. 
Attempted  arrest  of  the  five  mem- 
bers. 

Fight  for  control  of  taxation. 
Petition  of  Right. 
Hampden  and  the  Ship  Money 

contest. 

Fight  for  control  of  the  King's  min- 
isters. 

Attempted  impeachment  of  Buck- 
ingham. 
Trial  and  execution  of  Strafford. 

b.  Culmination  of  the  struggle. 

Civil  war  and  execution  of  the  King. 

c.  Successive   experiments  in   reorganiza- 

tion. 

Commonwealth. 
Protectorate. 
Recall  of  Charles  II. 

d.  Final  victory  of  Parliament  in  Revolu- 

tion of  1688  and  the  BiU  of  Rights. 

References: 

Cestre,  France,  England  and   European  Democracy, 

PP.  133-40,  143-45- 
Cheyney,  Readings  in  English  History,  pp.  179-87, 

451-63,  545-50. 
Hill,  Liberty  Documents,  pp.  9-48,  66-77, 122-41. 

59 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

Montague,  Elements  of  English  Constitutional  History, 

PP-  51-57,68-71,  113-16. 
Ogg  and  Beard,  National  Governments  and  the  World 

War,  pp.  167-80. 
Robinson,  History  of  Western  Europe,  pp.   144-47, 

473-94,  523-25. 
Robinson,  Readings  in  European  History,  vol.  I,  pp. 

231-41,  vol.  n,  pp.  221-24,  261-63. 
Robinson  and  Breasted,  Outlines  of  European  History, 

Part  I,  pp.  419-22,  659-79. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 

Part  II,  pp.  31-57. 
Tuell  and  Hatch,  Selected  Readings  in  English  History, 

pp.  83-89,  245-50,  310-24. 

3.  Struggle  to  establish  democratic  control  of 
Parliament. 

a.  Liberty  of  the  press  secured  on  the  expi- 

ration of  the  Licensing  Act. 

b.  Gradual  extension  of  the  franchise. 

The  Great  Reform  Bill,  1832. 
The  Reform  Bill  of  1867. 
The  Reform  Bill  of  1884. 
Extension  of  suffrage  to  women. 

c.  Establishment  of  a  ministry  responsible 

to  representatives  of  the  people. 
The  development  of  the  Cabinet, 
The  Cabinet  of  to-day. 

Its  relation  to  the  King. 

Its  relation  to  the  House  of  Com- 
mons. 

Changes  made  by  the  war. 

d.  The  revolution  of  1911. 

Power  of  the  purse  secured  to  the 

House  of  Commons. 
Abolition  of  veto  power  of  the  House 

of  Lords. 

60 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

References: 

Cheyney,  Supplement  to  A  Short  History  oj  England, 

pp.  690-701. 
Cheyney,  Readings  in  English  History,  pp.  676-90, 

735-47- 

Hazen,  Europe  since  1815,  pp.  430-38, 461-64,  735~47- 
Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  121-24,  156-68. 
Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  454,  465-66, 

477-85. 
Jenks,  The  Government  of  the  British  Empire,  pp.  99- 

ii  6,  124-40. 
Holt  and  Chilton,  History  of  Europe,  pp.  131,  227- 

28,  396-410- 

Lowell,  Greater  European  Governments,  pp.  3-62. 
Montague,  Elements  of  English  Constitutional  History, 

pp.  203-22. 

Moran,  Theory  and  Practice  of  the  English  Govern- 
ment, pp.  65-101,  119-51. 
Ogg  and  Beard,  National  Governments  and  the  World 

War,  pp.  196-275. 

Robinson,  The  Last  Decade,  pp.  i-vi,  xvi-xvii. 
Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  643-49. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Development  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n,  pp.  181-97. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 

Part  II,  pp.  491-507. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Readings  in  Modern  European 

History,  vol.  n,  pp.  239-66. 
Tuell  and  Hatch,  Selected  Readings  in  English  History, 

PP-  379-92,  422-42,  459-66. 

Wallace,  The  Government  of  England,  pp.  42-56, 1 20-39. 
West,  The  Modern  World,  pp.  606-15,  728-36. 

B.  Industrial  and  Social  Changes  in  Modern  England. 
I.  Adoption  of  free  trade. 

The  fight  for  the  repeal  of  the  corn  laws. 
Adoption  of  free  trade  as  a  general  policy. 

61 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

II.  The  industrial  revolution. 

Changes  from  the  domestic  to  the  factory  sys- 
tem. 

Economic  and  social  results  of  the  factory  sys- 
tem. 

References: 

Cheyney,  Industrial  and  Social  History  of  England, 

pp.  203-16. 

Cheyney,  Short  History  of  England,  pp.  630-42. 
Cheyney,  Readings  in  English  History,  pp.  610-15, 

708-15. 

Day,  History  of  Commerce,  pp.  365-71. 
Gibbins,  History  of  Commerce  in  Europe,  pp.  184-91. 
Gibbins,  Industrial  History  of  England,  pp.  1 76-98, 

213-14. 

Gibbins,  Industry  in  England,  pp.  336-57,  454-62. 
Hayes,  Political  and  Social  History  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n,  pp.  67-81,  91-93. 
Hazen,  Europe  since  1815,  pp.  450-57. 
Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  446-48. 
Herrick,  History  of  Commerce  and  Industry,  pp.  294- 

310. 

Kendall,  Source-Book  of  English  History,  pp.  411-13. 
Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  580-91, 

653- 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Development  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n,  pp.  30-53,  213-18. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 

Part  II,  pp.  357-72,  516-18. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Readings  in  Modern  European 

History,  vol.  n,  pp.  45-72,  287-289. 
Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  History, 

pp.  25-44,  68-71. 
Tuell  and  Hatch,  Selected  Readings  in  English  History, 

pp.  399-414,  415-21. 
West,  Modern  World,  pp.  619-21. 

62 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

III.  Socialism  and  Syndicalism  in  England. 

Principles  of  the  Socialists. 
Organizations  for  extending  Socialist  influence. 
Socialist  principles  in  the  platform  of  the  new 
British  Labor  Party. 

References: 

Cheyney,  Supplement  to  A  Short  History  of  England, 

pp.  704-07. 
Cheyney,  Industrial  and  Social  History  of  England, 

pp.  310-311. 
Ogg  and  Beard,  National  Governments  and  the  World 

War,  pp.  294-303. 

Robinson,  The  Last  Decade,  pp.  xvn-xxn. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Development  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  H,  pp.  400-05. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 

Part  II,  pp.  372-76. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Readings  in  Modern  European 

History,  vol.  n,  pp.  495~505- 

IV.  Social  reforms  in  England. 

The  Factory  Acts. 
The  War  on  Poverty. 

Workman's  Compensation  Act. 

Legislation  in  favor  of  Trades  Unions. 

Old  age  pensions. 

Employment  bureaus. 

Wage  boards. 

National  insurance. 

New  system  of  taxation. 
The  Lloyd  George  Budget. 

References: 

Cheyney,  Supplement  to  A  Short  History  of  England, 

pp.  682-91. 
Cheyney,  Industrial  and  Social  History  of  England, 

PP.  237-39,  244-62. 

63 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

Cheyney,  Readings  in  English  History,  pp.  690-98. 
Gibbins,  Industry  in  England,  pp.  391-406,  419-26, 

456-59. 

Hayes,  Political  and  Social  History  of  Modern  Europe, 
vol.  n,  pp.  307-19- 

Hazen,  Europe  since  1815,  pp.  515-16. 

Holt  and  Chilton,  History  of  Europe,  pp.  391-400. 

Robinson,  The  Last  Decade,  pp.  xvii-xx. 

Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  650-57. 

Robinson  and  Beard,  Development  of  Modern  Europe, 
vol.  n,  pp.  201-13. 

Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 
Part  II,  pp.  512-15,  636-48. 

Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  His- 
tory, pp.  364-67- 

West,  The  Modern  World,  pp.  616-18. 

C.  England  the  Mother  of  Colonies. 
I.  Map  study. 

Present  extent  of  the  British  Empire. 
Self-governing  commonwealths. 
Dependencies. 

II.  Comparison  with  the  England  of  Shakespeare. 
"A  jewel  set  in  a  silver  sea,"  etc. 

in.  Historical  development  of  the  British  Empire. 
i.  Period  of  exploration. 

England's  part  in  the  explorations  of  the 

fifteenth  century. 
Work  of  John  Cabot. 
The  Merchant  Adventurers. 
Spirit  and  motives  of  the  mariners  of  the 

Elizabethan  Age. 

Drake,   Frobisher,  Hawkins,   Sir  Hum- 
phrey Gilbert  and  Sir  Walter  Raleigh. 
a.  The  great  trading  companies  of  the  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries. 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

The  Muscovy  Company,  The  Levant  Com- 
pany, Guinea  Company,   East  India 
Company,     London     Company    and 
Plymouth  Company. 
Extent  of  English  commercial  influence. 
Part  played  by  the  government  in  the 

work  of  the  companies. 
The  American  colonies  as  business  enter- 
prises. 

3.  The  Eighteenth  Century  struggle  for  colonial 
supremacy. 

a.  In  North  America. 

Landmarks:  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  1713. 
Peace  of  Paris,  1763. 
Treaty  of  Paris,  1783. 

b.  In  India. 

Work  of  Clive  and  Hastings. 
Reorganization  of  the  government  of 
India. 

c.  Struggle   for   self-defense   against   Na- 

poleon. 

Nelson  and  Wellington. 
Special  Topic:  English  poetry  as  an  index  to  national 

feeling. 

Reference:  Bates  and  Coman,  English  History  Told  by 
English  Poets. 

References: 

Andrews,  The  Colonial  Period,  pp.  9-41,  42-61. 
Cheyney,  European  Background  of  American  History, 

pp.  123-67. 

Cheyney,  Short  History  of  England,  pp.  353-67. 
Cheyney,  History  of  England,  vol.  i,  pp.  309-459. 
Cheyney,  Readings  in  English  History,  pp.  394-403, 

439-51,  590-603. 

Day,  History  of  Commerce,  pp.  199-227. 
Fiske,  Discovery  of  America,  vol.  n,  pp.  213-33. 

65 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

Gibbins,  History  of  Commerce  in  Europe,  pp.  1 24-50, 

163-78- 
Herrick,  History  of  Commerce  and  Industry,  pp.  207- 

18,  249-69,  269-91. 
Jacobs,  Story  of  Geographical  Discovery,  pp.  119-24, 

133-34. 

Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  424-41. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 

Part  II,  pp.  105-18. 
Spears,  Master  Mariners,  pp.  109-221. 
Tuell  and  Hatch,  Sekcted  Readings  in  English  History, 

pp.  172-77,  216-22. 
Woodward,  Expansion  of  the  British  Empire,  pp.  u- 

98,  1 1 2-21,  162-205,  228-48. 

4.  The  British  Empire  in  the  Nineteenth  and 
Twentieth  Centuries. 

a.  In  India. 

Struggle   with   the  Mahratta    Con- 
federacy. 

Extension  of  territory  to  the  border 
of  China. 

Annexation  in  Burma. 

Conquest  of  the  Sindh  and  Punjab 
regions. 

The  Indian  mutiny. 
Causes  and  results. 

Condition  in  1914. 

b.  Formation  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada. 

Form  of  government. 
Industrial  and  social  conditions. 
The  problem  of  the  two  races. 

c.  The  Commonwealths  of  Australia  and 

New  Zealand. 
Form  of  government. 
Industrial  and  social  conditions. 
Circumstances  under  which  Austra- 

66 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

lasia  became  a  part  of  the  British 
dominions. 

d.  The  South  African  Commonwealth. 

Its  government  and  connection  with 

England. 
Steps  by  which  South  Africa  became 

British  territory. 
Acquisition  of  Cape  Colony. 
The  First  and  Second  Boer  Wars. 

e.  The  protectorate  over  Egypt. 

Reasons  for  the  importance  of  Egypt 

to  England. 
Military  and  commercial  importance 

of  the  Suez  Canal. 
Circumstances  under  which  England 

first  interfered  in  the  government  of 

Egypt. 
The  conquest  of  the  Soudan. 

f.  England  in  the  islands,  East  and  West. 

g.  English  interests  in  the  Far  East. 

References: 
Bigelow,  The  Children  of  the  Nations,  pp.  246-52, 314- 

30- 

Cestre,  France,  England  and  European  Democracy, 

pp.  221-24,  226-29,  236-39. 
Cheyney,  Short  History  of  England,  pp.  666-78. 
Cheyney,  Readings  in  English  History,  pp.  752-67. 
Gibbins,  History  of  Commerce  in  Europe,  pp.  103-08. 
Gibbons,  New  Map  of  Africa,  pp.  1-30,  43~9I>  IQ6~ 

14,  189-227,  276-98,  421-80. 
Hayes,  Political  and  Social  History  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n,  pp.  640-75. 

Hazen,  Europe  since  1815,  pp.  5I9~49- 
Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  166-201. 
Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  487-506,  511- 

14, 

67 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

Holt   and   Chilton,  History  of  Europe,  pp.  231-34, 

317-29,  333-40,  346. 
Jacobs,  Story  of  Geographical  Discovery,  pp.    145- 

68. 
Jenks,  Government  of  the  British  Empire,  pp.  55-67, 

70-92. 

Lowell,  Greater  European  Governments,  pp.  77-92. 
Ogg  and  Beard,  National  Governments  and  the  World 

War,  pp.  304-23- 
Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  657-72, 

721-23. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Development  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n,  pp.  233-59. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 

Part  H,  pp.  527-49- 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Readings  in  Modern  European 

History,  vol.  n,  pp.  306-37,  454~58. 
Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  History, 

PP-  399-423. 
Siegnobos,  History  of  Contemporary  Civilization,  pp. 

371-76. 
Tuell  and  Hatch,  Selected  Readings  in  English  His- 

iory,  pp.  474-87- 

Wallace,  The  Government  of  England,  pp.  267-334. 
West,  Modern  World,  pp.  629-35. 
Whitcomb,  History  of  Modern  Europe,  pp.  306-15, 

320-24. 
Woodward,  Expansion  oftheBrUish  Empire,  pp.  249- 

318. 

Anon.,  One  Hundred  British  Seaports,  National  Geo- 
graphic Magazine,  January,  1917,  pp.  84-93. 

5.  The  Question  of  Ireland. 

a.  Reasons  for  Irish  bitterness  toward  Eng- 
land. 

English  misrule  and  tyranny  to  the 
end  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

68 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

Claim  of  Henry  II  to  Ireland. 

Establishment  of  the  Pale. 

Religious  and  social  differences  be- 
tween English  and  Irish  increased 
by  tyranny  of  the  Tudor  sover- 
eigns. 

Suppression  of  rebellion  and  plant- 
ing of  Ulster  by  James  I. 

Cromwell's  harsh  treatment  of  Ire- 
land. 

Religious  and  economic  oppression 
in  the  eighteenth  century. 

b.  Reasons  for  differences  between  Ulster 

and  the  South  of  Ireland. 
Circumstances  under  which  Ulster  was 

settled. 
Ulster   championship  of   William  of 

Orange. 
Differences    of    race,    religion,    and 

economic  condition. 

c.  Attempts  to  redress  Ireland's  wrongs. 

Catholic  emancipation. 
Irish  land  reforms. 

Disestablishment  of  the  Irish  church. 
The  fight  for  Home  Rule. 
First  and  second  Home  Rule  Bills. 
The  Home  Rule  Bill  of  1914. 

Attitude  of  Ulster. 
Operation  of  Home  Rule  suspended 
by  Parliament. 

d.  Rebellion  in  Ireland. 

e.  The  Irish  Convention. 
References: 

Cheyney,  Supplement  to  Short  History  of  England, 

pp.  708-11. 
Cheyney,  Readings  in  English  History,  pp.  748-52. 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

Hayes,  Political  and  Social  History  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n.  pp.  320-26. 
Hazen,  Europe  since  1815,  pp.  426-28,467-77,490- 

516. 

Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  121-65. 
Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  454-59,  464- 

65,  466-72,  483-85- 
Holt  and   Chilton,  History  of  Europe,  pp.    220-31, 

512-18. 

Jenks,  The  Government  of  the  British  Empire,  pp.  48-54. 
Robinson,  The  Last  Decade,  pp.  vi-vii. 
Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  657-61. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Development  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n,  pp.  220-32. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 

Part  II,  pp.  518-25. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Readings  in  Modern  European 

History,  vol.  n,  pp.  293-305. 
Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  History, 

pp.  382-98. 
Tuell  and  Hatch,  Selected  Readings  in  English  History, 

pp.  442-46. 
West,  Modern  World,  pp.  624-28,  733~34- 


3.  GERMANY 

THE  study  of  nations  can  never  become  stereotyped. 
It  is  secured  against  that  form  of  anathema  by  the 
power  of  changing  circumstance.  Of  this  general 
statement  Germany  forms  the  most  striking  illustra- 
tion. In  the  good  days  before  the  war,  only  a  few 
short  years  ago,  any  characterization  of  the  German 
nation  would  have  laid  emphasis  on  the  wonderful  ma- 
terial progress  of  Germany,  on  the  might  of  her  arma- 

70 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

ments  and  the  wealth  of  her  industries.  Much  more, 
however,  would  have  been  said  of  the  rich  contribu- 
tions that  Germany  had  made  to  the  treasures  of  the 
spirit,  whether  in  the  realm  of  music,  or  philosophy  or 
religion.  To-day  —  what  shall  we  say  of  Germany? 
What  can  we  say?  Little  more,  alas,  than  was  said  by 
a  writer  in  a  recent  periodical:  "  Germany  with  ruth- 
less hand  has  shelled  the  careful  structure  of  her 
past.  Other  peoples'  cities  she  has  destroyed,  but  her 
own  traditions:  surely  she  will  build  them  again,  but 
such  ruins  are  slow  rebuilding.  The  cathedral  of 
her  honor;  the  lighted  dwelling-places  of  her  quiet 
charm!  Auf  Wiedersehn,  great  German  soul  astray, 
Auf  Wiedersehn!"1  Not,  as  before,  in  appreciative 
mood,  but  rather  in  the  spirit  of  renunciation  we 
must  write  of  Germany  to-day. 

Meantime  what  shall  we  teach  of  Germany?  The 
answer,  for  the  present,  seems  to  be  found  in  the 
patriotic  needs  growing  out  of  the  war  time.  The 
history  teachers  of  America  must  act  as  the  agents 
of  their  government  in  training  the  future  citizens  to 
understand  and  appreciate  the  values  of  democracy, 
even  as  the  Prussian  teachers  have  long  since  learned 
to  make  the  teaching  of  history  an  instrument  of 
imperial  policies.  In  war  or  in  peace  the  true  mean- 
ing and  significance  of  democracy  must  be  made  the 
central  subject  of  instruction. 

1  Warner,  Frances  Lester:  "  Preserving  the  Past";  in  Atlantic 
Monthly,  November,  1917,  p.  640. 

71 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

In  the  fulfillment  of  this  purpose  the  topics  on  Ger- 
many in  the  "  Study  of  Nations  "  have  been  grouped 
under  the  headings,  Autocracy,  Militarism  and  Ma- 
terial Efficiency. 

For  the  study  of  German  autocracy  at  the  present 
day  the  pamphlet  issued  by  the  Committee  on  Public 
Information  entitled  The  Government  of  Germany  l 
is  by  far  the  best  text.  These  sixteen  pages  outline 
clearly  the  form  of  the  German  imperial  government 
and  of  the  government  of  Prussia.  They  also  explain 
how  the  various  parts  of  these  governments  function 
in  actual  practice.  Copies  of  the  pamphlet  placed  in 
the  school  library  are  in  constant  request.  "That  is 
a  good  book,"  pupils  say.  "It  is  so  clear;  you  can 
tell  what  he  is  driving  at."  This  is  high  praise. 
Although  the  report  was  not  issued  primarily  for  the 
benefit  of  secondary  schools,  it  has  proved  a  great 
blessing  to  history  teachers  and  deserves  a  high  place 
among  school  textbooks.  Because  it  is  written  for 
the  common  man,  not  for  the  scholar,  it  places  the  em- 
phasis on  elementary  principles.  To  give  the  mean- 
ing, not  alone  the  form  of  autocracy,  is  its  object. 
To  this  central  idea  all  forms  are  made  subsidiary. 
This  book  might  well  have  been  made  especially  for 
use  in  a  study  of  nations. 

With  autocracy  as  a  working  partner,  goes  mili- 
tarism. For  the  most  illuminating  definition  of  this 

1  Hazen,  Charles  Downer:  The  Government  of  Germany.  Wash- 
ington, 1918. 

72 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

system  we  turned  to  Mr.  Dawson's  What  is  Wrong 
with  Germany?  In  discussing  "The  Inwardness  of 
Militarism,"  he  says:  "The  conception  of  militarism 
makes  the  army  a  direct  instrument  of  State  policy, 
and  war  a  legitimate  political  purpose,  instead  of  a 
terrible  abnormality.  In  accordance  with  that  idea 
the  whole  life  of  the  nation  is  organized  on  a  military 
plan.  The  home,  the  school,  professional  life,  indus- 
trial and  commercial  relationships,  the  working  of 
the  State  and  public  services  —  all  are  regulated 
from  the  standpoint  of  warlike  possibilities,  and  sub- 
ordinated to  the  one  supreme  consideration,  how  best 
to  convert  the  nation  into  an  efficient  fighting  ma- 
chine. 'In  order  that  this  view  of  State  purpose  may 
be  realized,  the  civilian's  placid  life  is  represented  as 
something  inferior  to  the  career  of  the  soldier,  and 
a  powerful  administrative  caste  is  set  up,  as  a  class 
apart  from  the  rest  of  the  nation,  whose  business  it  is 
to  personify  the  military  ideal  and  keep  before  the 
nation  the  view  that  war  is  a  worthier  pursuit  than 
peace."  l  After  this  definition  is  copied  by  the  pupils, 
each  clause  may  be  made  the  subject  of  class  dis- 
cussion. 

The  next  step  is  a  review  of  Prussian  history  to 
see  what  part  autocracy  and  militarism  has  played 
in  its  development.  A  little  study  of  the  map 
shows  that  the  militarists  have  much  truth  on  their 

1  Dawson,  William  Harbutt:  What  is  Wrong  with  Germany  ?  p.  114. 
Longmans,  Green  &  Company.  New  York,  1915. 

73 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

side  when  they  claim  that  the  great  gains  of  the 
Hohenzollern  family  in  the  past  have  come  by  war. 
The  seizure  of  Silesia  and  the  partition  of  Poland  by 
the  autocratic  Frederick  II  first  secured  the  recogni- 
tion of  Prussia  among  the  Great  Powers  of  Europe. 
Later  the  " blood  and  iron"  policy  of  Bismarck  in  the 
Schleswig-Holstein  War,  the  Austro-Prussian  War, 
and  the  Franco-Prussian  War  gave  to  the  Hohen- 
zollern rulers  of  Prussia  the  seat  of  authority  in  the 
German  Empire.  In  the  light  of  history  it  is  easy 
for  students  to  see  how  autocracy  and  militarism  to- 
gether might  seem  to  the  Germans  necessary  condi- 
tions of  expansion  and  development. 

When,  after  this  historical  excursion,  the  class  turns 
again  to  Germany  of  the  present  day,  the  policies  of 
William  II  take  on  new  significance.  The  last  Ger- 
man Emperor  is  seen  to  have  acted  in  full  accordance 
with  the  traditions  of  his  house.  By  the  use  of  the 
army  his  ancestors  had  made  Prussia  great.  By  the 
same  weapon  he  purposed  to  carry  on  their  work. 
Personally  he  appears  to  be  even  more  truly  a  "war 
lord"  than  any  former  Hohenzollern.  With  his  love 
of  the  army,  the  other  characteristics  noted  in  him  by 
Mr.  Dawson  —  "ancestor  worship,"  "supreme  self- 
confidence,"  and  "belief  in  the  divine  right  of  kings" 
—  all  mark  him  as  one  destined  to  high  ambitions. 
They  go  far  to  explain  the  part  Prussia  has  played 
in  recent  history. 

»  Before  leaving  the  subject  of  militarism  it  seems 

74 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

well  to  consider  the  effect  of  that  system  on  the  social 
and  political  life  of  the  German  people.  Pupils  learn 
from  Mr.  Dawson's  book  that  in  Germany  it  has 
worked  against  the  establishment  of  a  democratic 
society  by  creating  a  rigid  distinction  of  rank  that 
amounts  almost  to  a  caste  system.  Its  political 
influence  is  summed  up  as  follows: 1  "Militarism  has 
been  the  enemy  of  political  liberty  in  Prussia.  Rely- 
ing on  its  support  kings  have  broken  their  promises 
of  constitutional  reforms,  popular  movements  have 
been  thwarted,  and  Prussia  has  retained  its  unenvi- 
able reputation  as  the  most  backward  state  in  Ger- 
many in  political  matters."  A  brief  discussion 
suffices  to  show  that  the  militarist  system  cannot 
permanently  exist  in  a  democratic  state. 

To  show  the  extremes  of  brutality  to  which  mili- 
tarism can  be  carried  the  Zabern  incident  is  intro- 
duced as  a  case  in  point.  Whatever  ulterior  pur- 
poses, official  or  military,  may  have  been  back  of  that 
incident,  it  seems  safe  to  use  it  as  an  example  of  the 
length  to  which  military  audacity  might  go  in  the  face 
of  popular  protest.  As  the  story  is  told  in  Alsace- 
Lorraine  under  German  Rule,  by  Charles  D.  Hazen, 
or  in  many  other  recent  books,  it  serves  as  a  warning 
against  the  evils  of  autocratic  government  backed  by 
the  militarist  system. 

Concrete  illustrations  like  the  Zabern  incident  are 
sorely  needed  at  all  points  in  teaching  institutional 

1  Dawson,  William  Harbutt :  What  is  Wrong  with  Germany  ?  p.  121. 

75 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

history  to  high-school  pupils.  Experience  has  shown 
that  many  a  pupil  who  can  make  a  glib  recitation  on 
the  forms  of  a  government  like  that  of  Germany,  for 
instance,  may  yet  fail  to  answer  intelligently  the 
simplest  question  which  involves  an  application  of 
the  facts  he  has  so  carefully  committed  to  memory. 
Every  variety  of  expedient  must  be  devised  to  im- 
press upon  him  the  actual  working  of  the  system 
rather  than  its  outward  form. 

As  one  way  of  meeting  this  need  in  the  case  of  the 
government  of  Germany,  a  chart  has  been  prepared 
(pp.  84-85),  giving  in  parallel  columns  a  comparative 
view  of  the  governments  of  Great  Britain  and  the 
German  Empire.  These  two  systems  lend  themselves 
especially  well  to  the  purpose,  because,  while  both 
are  in  form  constitutional  monarchies,  the  one  in 
practice  represents  democracy  and  the  other  autoc- 
racy. It  is  hoped  that  by  this  comparative  study  the 
essential  differences  between  the  two  ideals  will  stand 
out  sharply. 

Pupils  must  learn  to  distinguish  that  which  is  es- 
sential to  democracy  from  that  which  is  mere  matter 
of  form.  In  both  countries  they  notice  at  once  that 
the  government  is  ostensibly  in  the  hands  of  a  mon- 
arch and  a  parliamentary  body  acting  concurrently. 
In  each  case  they  find  that  the  representative  assem- 
bly is  made  up  of  two  chambers,  one  aristocratic  and 
one  filled  by  popular  election.  In  both  systems  the 
first  minister  is  the  chief  administrative  officer.  Yet 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

in  Great  Britain  they  know  that  the  House  of  Com- 
mons is  the  real  controlling  force,  while  in  Germany 
it  was  the  Emperor  who  acted  with  power.  They 
perceive  clearly  that  autocracy  is  not  a  mere  matter 
of  form.  Neither,  they  find,  is  democracy  always  of 
the  same  pattern.  Government  by  the  people  in 
Great  Britain  proves  not  inconsistent  with  monar- 
chical forms.  This  is  a  new  idea  to  many  American 
children.  Even  after  studying  the  government  of 
England  they  still  cling  to  the  idea  that  only  a  repub- 
lic can  be  truly  democratic.  The  comparison  of  the 
British  with  the  German  government  helps  to  remove 
this  impression.  It  helps  to  the  understanding  of 
the  British  system  as  well  as  the  German. 

Out  of  this  discussion  also  emerges  the  conviction 
that  the  safety  of  the  state  depends  not  on  a  writ- 
ten constitution  but  on  the  political  experience  of 
its  people.  In  Germany  and  England,  as  in  France, 
historic  tradition  is  seen  to  be  a  determining  factor 
in  the  making  of  history.  To  make  this  clear,  the 
class  reviews  once  more,  in  brief,  the  long  struggle 
for  liberty  in  England  and  the  series  of  experiments 
in  government  by  which  the  English  people  at  last 
secured  the  mastery  over  affairs  of  state.  By  way  of 
contrast  they  then  consider  the  circumstances  under 
which  the  German  constitution  was  made;  that  it  was 
the  work  of  a  reactionary  statesman,  and  was  given 
to  the  people,  full  grown,  as  the  gift  of  royalty.  In 
England  they  see  popular  government  secured  with- 

77 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

out  a  formal  constitution;  in  the  German  Empire  they 
find  every  formality  of  written  document  without 
adequate  safeguards  for  popular  rights. 

The  actual  effect  of  these  political  conditions  on  the 
life  of  the  individual  is  perhaps  the  most  instructive 
part  of  the  comparison.  On  this  point  the  chart  is 
largely  a  summary  of  portions  of  the  book  referred 
to  in  an  earlier  connection,  What  is  Wrong  with  Ger- 
many? by  William  Harbutt  Dawson.  This  little 
volume  contains  materials  for  comparison  in  conven- 
ient form.  Since  Mr.  Dawson  has  given  his  life  to 
the  study  of  Germany  and  German  institutions,  he 
is  able  from  his  special  knowledge  to  furnish  just  the 
information  and  illustration  which  is  needed.  The 
book  is  not  written  in  a  style  suitable  for  children, 
but  is  admirably  adapted  to  the  need  of  the  teacher. 

In  the  chart,  under  the  topic  "Privileges  of  Citi- 
zens/' a  comparison  is  first  made  of  the  measure  of 
personal  liberty  enjoyed  by  the  Englishman  and  the 
German  respectively.  It  is  seen  that  the  English- 
man's right  to  freedom  of  speech  and  action  are 
safeguarded  to  the  utmost;  that  even  the  orators  in 
Hyde  Park,  or  the  Suffragettes  who  openly  criticize 
the  government,  carry  on  their  agitation  under  the 
full  protection  of  the  police.  The  German  on  the 
other  hand  could  hold  public  meetings  and  conduct 
popular  agitation  only  at  the  discretion  of  the  police, 
and  was  hampered  at  every  turn  by  verboten  signs. 
x  In  the  matter  of  freedom  of  the  press  the  two  quo- 

78 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

tations  on  the  power  of  public  opinion  give  the  whole 
contrast  .between  the  two  countries  as  in  a  nutshell. 
In  England,  we  find  "  public  opinion  a  check  on 
government/'  while  in  Germany,  it  was  so  managed 
as  to  be  "a  lever  in  the  hands  of  government."  It  is 
only  necessary  by  way  of  illustration  to  call  attention 
to  the  difference  between  the  power  of  Lord  North- 
cliffe,  who,  it  is  said,  can  make  and  unmake  ministries 
by  the  influence  of  his  journals  with  the  comparative 
helplessness  of  the  German  editor  under  the  Empire. 

The  case  is  seen  to  be  similar  in  questions  relating 
to  popular  control  of  the  government.  The  power 
of  the  purse,  which  custom  has  long  since  given  in 
England  to  the  representatives  of  the  people,  was  en- 
joyed by  the  German  in  only  a  limited  degree,  since 
only  bills  for  new  taxation  required  his  consent. 
In  this,  as  in  all  matters  of  legislation,  the  Reichstag, 
the  popular  house,  acted  largely  under  the  compul- 
sion of  the  Emperor  and  the  Bundesrath.  In  admin- 
istrative questions  the  will  of  the  lower  house  was 
even  less  effective,  since  the  English  device  of  a  min- 
istry responsible  to  the  people  was  here  replaced  by 
a  Chancellor  responsible  to  the  Kaiser. 

The  German  under  the  Empire,  then,  is  understood 
to  have  lacked  the  fundamental  liberties  for  which 
the  Englishman  began  to  fight  in  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, and  which  have  been  secured  to  him  by  con- 
stant revision  of  the  government  to  suit  his  needs. 
The  German  did  not  enjoy  complete  personal  lib- 

79 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

erty,  whether  in  speech  or  action.  He  did  not  control 
his  property,  since  he  could  be  taxed  without  the  con- 
sent of  his  representatives.  He  had  neither  control 
of  legislation  nor  responsibility  for  the  administration 
of  the  government.  Even  equal  justice  before  the 
law  would  seem  to  have  been  an  uncertain  privilege. 
Furthermore  the  Emperor,  through  his  influence  over 
the  Prussian  delegates  in  the  Bundesrath,  could  block 
any  attempt  at  revision  of  the  constitution.  A  con- 
sideration of  these  conditions  shows  the  pupil  that 
much  of  the  difference  between  the  English  and  the 
Germans  as  a  people  is  to  be  explained  by  the  fact 
that  the  Germans  have  been  denied  the  educational 
advantage  of  those  experiments  in  government  by 
means  of  which  the  English  have  worked  out  their 
political  problems. 

The  effect  of  the  illiberal  system  of  the  Germans 
on  the  character  of  the  individual  citizen  is  made 
the  subject  of  further  parallel  study.  Mr.  Dawson 
points  out  that  official  censorship  of  public  opinion 
and  discouragement  of  a  critical  spirit  cannot  fail  to 
train  the  citizen  to  habits  of  intellectual  docility,  and 
to  the  custom  of  leaving  everything  to  the  state.  As 
a  result,  the  sense  of  public  responsibility  is  not  well 
developed.  Individual  initiative  and  independence 
of  spirit  do  not  flourish  in  such  an  atmosphere.  Yet 
these  are  the  very  qualities  most  needed  for  success- 
ful self-government.  The  conclusion  to  be  drawn  by 
pupils  is  that  the  democratic  government  under 

80 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

which  they  live  differs  from  that  of  the  German  Em- 
pire in  that  it  has  a  greater  tendency  to  exalt  the  indi- 
i  idual  and  calls  for  a  higher  quality  of  citizenship, 
'inis  is  a  reflection  calculated  to  fire  the  ambition 
and  elevate  the  conscience. 

After  Autocracy  and  Militarism,  "  Material  Effi- 
ciency" was  indicated  in  the  outline  as  a  third  general 
topic. 

Under  this  heading  comes  first  the  conservation 
and  use  of  natural  resources.  Germany's  management 
of  forests  and  mines,  her  improvements  of  rivers  and 
harbors,  her  use  of  the  transportation  system  for  the 
furtherance  of  industry  should  all  be  included  under 
this  head.  Closely  allied  to  these  topics  are  those 
which  deal  with  the  commercial  development  of  the 
country,  like,  the  tariff  policy,  or  the  use  of  free  ports. 
In  general  the  methods  by  means  of  which  German 
pre-war  commerce  reached  formidable  proportions 
ought  to  be  clearly  understood. 

These  subjects  lead  naturally  to  the  consideration 
of  the  movement  for  expansion  which  accompanied 
commercial  development.  This  involves  a  journey 
almost  around  the  world  map  in  the  effort  to  trace 
the  extent  of  German  ambition.  The  Far  East, 
Mesopotamia,  the  Berlin  to  Bagdad  railway  route, 
Morocco,  South  America,  the  whole  extent  of  Pan- 
German  ambition  must  be  followed  on  the  map  and 
its  significance  explained. 

A  place  ought  to  be  found,  too,  for  a  brief  consider- 
81 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

ation  of  German  methods  of  dealing  with  community 
problems.  The  German  city  governments  with  their 
ample  provision  for  every  side  of  community  life 
have  many  lessons  for  the  American  boy,  if  he  will 
but  heed  them.  He  must  be  made  to  feel  that  no 
democracy  fully  justifies  itself  until  the  public  wealth 
and  the  public  interest  are  as  efficiently  conserved 
by  representatives  of  the  people  as  by  an  especially 
trained  bureaucracy.  If  that  is  not  the  case  to-day, 
it  is  a  part  of  his  business  to  prepare  himself  to  make 
improvements  when  he  in  turn  becomes  a  voter. 

On  the  topic  of  state  socialism  a  parallel  study  of 
experiments  in  Germany  and  in  Great  Britain  gives 
additional  illustration  of  the  outward  similarity  and 
inward  difference  between  the  two  governments. 
In  both  countries  the  "war  on  poverty"  has  been 
accepted  as  the  business  of  the  state.  But  in  Ger- 
many that  policy  was  adopted  as  a  bar  to  the  rising 
tide  of  democratic  socialism,  while  in  England  it  was 
undertaken  as  one  step  in  the  development  of  the 
growing  democracy.  A  comparative  survey  of  the 
method  and  underlying  spirit  of  this  work  in  each 
country  helps  the  student  to  clarify  his  conception  of 
both  nations. 

In  a  discussion  of  German  education  the  boy  is 
in  a  position  to  speak  advisedly.  Here  he  can  make 
comparisons  for  himself.  It  will  not  take  him  long 
to  discover  some  startling  differences  between  the 
German  system  and  that  of  which  he  is  himself  a  part. 

82 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

The  careful  maintenance  of  class  distinctions  in  Ger- 
many, for  instance,  is  in  sharp  contrast  to  the  democ- 
racy of  the  American  public  school.  Equally  for- 
eign is  the  intense  seriousness  of  the  German  boy's 
application  to  his  work.  The  explanation  for  this 
in  the  rigor  of  state  control  over  the  entire  life  of  the 
citizen  opens  to  the  boy  an  entirely  new  train  of 
thought  as  he  considers,  probably  for  the  first  time, 
his  own  relation  as  a  schoolboy  to  the  state  which 
provides  for  his  education. 

These  topics  for  the  study  of  Germany  admit  of 
great  variety  in  treatment.  Although  limited  in 
number,  they  cover  much  ground.  They  may  be  still 
further  amplified  if  time  permits,  or  they  may  take 
the  skeleton  form  adopted  by  the  textbooks.  The 
real  question  is  not  the  letter  but  the  spirit  of  the  dis- 
cussion. Germany  at  the  present  time  does  not  offer 
a  favorable  field  for  the  development  of  a  dispassion- 
ate, scientific  habit  of  mind.  The  emotions  of  the 
war  time  forbid.  In  some  communities  anything  but 
the  bitterest  denunciation  of  all  things  German  is 
thought  to  savor  of  disloyalty.  In  other  places  pupils 
meet  with  a  sharp  challenge  all  arguments  in  favor  of 
the  war.  The  needs  of  the  community  must  deter- 
mine the  character  of  the  teaching.  In  this  part  of 
the  work  as  nowhere  else  the  teacher  has  urgent  need 
of  sound  wisdom  and  discretion. 


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THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

GERMANY 
Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 

Characteristics  of  the  German  Imperial  Government: 

Autocracy,  Militarism,  Material  Efficiency. 
A.  Autocracy. 

The  government  constitutional  in  form,  autocratic  in  prac- 
tice. 

I.  The  Emperor. 
Military  power. 

Influence  over  foreign  relations. 
Executive  power. 
Legislative  power. 
Judicial  power. 

II.  The  Chancellor. 

By  whom  appointed. 
To  whom  responsible. 
Powers  and  duties. 

III.  The  Bundesrath. 

Composition. 
Powers. 

IV.  The  Reichstag. 

Method  of  election. 
Limitations  on  its  power. 

Government  of  the  Kingdom  of  Prussia. 
I.  The  King. 
His  powers. 

II.  The  Landtag. 

House  of  Lords. 

Appointed  by  the  Crown. 
House  of  Representatives. 

Elected  by  the  three  class  system. 

Limitations  on  its  power. 

•  86 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

III.  Local  government. 

Large  powers  reserved  to  the  President  of  the 
Province. 

IV.  Prussian  Bureaucracy 

2,000,000  officials  recruited  largely  from  the 
classes  that  profit  most  by  absolutism. 

References: 

Bryce,  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  pp.  483-89. 

Davis,  The  Roots  of  the  War,  pp.  178-93. 

Dawson,  German  Life  in  Town  and  Country,  pp.  252- 
68,  282-312. 

Dawson,  Germany  and  the  Germans,  vol.  I,  pp.  54-82, 
vol.  n,  pp.  1-48. 

Fullerton,  Germany  of  To-Day,  pp.  8-59. 

Harding,  The  Great  War,  p.  13. 

Hazen,  Europe  since  1815,  pp.  303-05. 

Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  33-38,  54~64« 

Hazen,  The  Government  of  Germany. 

Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  363-66. 

Lowell,  Greater  European  Governments,  pp.  233-309. 

Ogg,  Social  Progress  in  Contemporary  Europe,  pp.  161- 
67. 

Ogg  and  Beard,  National  Governments  and  the  World 
War,  pp.  456-512. 

Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  His- 
tory, pp.  277-85. 

Smoot,  Germany's  Form  of  Government,  Magazine  of 
Current  History,  July,  1917,  pp.  516-21. 

Tower,  Germany  of  To-day,  pp.  21-68. 

West,  Modern  World,  pp.  654-57. 

Von  Biilow,  Imperial  Germany,  pp.  131-40. 

B.  Militarism  in  Germany. 
Meaning  of  militarism. 

"The  conception  of  militarism  makes  the  army  a 

87 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

direct  instrument  of  State  policy  and  war  a  legitimate 
political  purpose,  instead  of  a  terrible  abnormality. 
In  accordance  with  that  idea  the  whole  life  of  the  na- 
tion is  organized  on  a  military  plan.  The  home,  the 
school,  professional  life,  industrial  and  commercial 
relationships,  the  working  of  the  State  and  public  serv- 
ice, —  ail  are  regulated  from  the  standpoint  of  warlike 
possibilities,  and  subordinated  to  the  one  supreme 
consideration,  how  best  to  convert  the  nation  into  an 
efficient  fighting  machine.  In  order  that  this  view  of 
State  purpose  may  be  realized,  the  civilian 's  placid  life 
is  represented  as  something  inferior  to  the  career  of 
the  soldier,  and  a  powerful  administrative  caste  is  set 
up,  as  a  class  apart  from  the  rest  of  the  nation,  whose 
business  it  is  to  personify  the  military  ideal  and  keep 
before  the  nation  the  view  that  war  is  a  worthier  pur- 
suit than  peace."  (W.  H.  Dawson,  What  is  Wrong 
with  Germany?  p.  114.) 
Historical  basis  for  Prussian  militarism. 
Policies  of  the  Great  Elector. 
Methods  by  which  Frederick  the  Great  made  Prussia 

powerful. 
Wars    deliberately    provoked    to    secure   Prussian 

ascendency. 

The  Schleswig-Holstein  War. 

The  Austro-Prussian  War. 

The  Franco-Prussian  War. 
Attitude  of  William  II  toward  militarism. 

William  II  "a  true  Hohenzollern,"  "first  a  soldier, 

then  a  citizen,  first  the  leader  of  the  Prussian 

army,  then  King  of  the  Prussian  people. " 
Significant  characteristics  of  William  II. 
Ancestor  worship. 
Belief  in  the  divine  right  of  kings. 
Supreme  self-confidence. 
Political  and  social  effect  of  militarism. 

88 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

Militarism  the  enemy  of  democracy  and  political  lib- 
erty. 

Illustration:  the  Zabern  affair. 
References: 

Coolidge,  Origins  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  pp.  27-53. 
Davis,   Medieval  and  Modern  Europe,  pp.  342-43, 

351-56,  493-509- 
Davis,  The  Roots  of  the  War,  pp.  3-23,  210-15,  218- 

24. 
Dawson,  German  Life  in  Town  and  Country,  pp.  25- 

27,  92-121. 

Dawson,  Germany  and  the  Germans,  vol.  I,  pp.  22-53. 
Dawson,  What  is  Wrong  with  Germany  ?  pp.  89-130. 
Harding,  The  Great  War,  pp.  i,  8-9. 
Hazen,  Alsace-Lorraine  under  German  Rule,  pp.  189- 

214. 

Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  16-32,  52-54. 
Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  341-50. 
Hillis,  Studies  of  the  Great  War,  pp.  246-47. 
Prothero,  German  Policy  before  the  War,  pp.  2-4, 17-24. 
Robinson,  The  Last  Decade  of  European  History  and 

the  Great  War,  pp.  xxiii-xxv,  Ixiv-lxix. 
Robinson,  History  of  Western  Europe,  pp.  515-22. 
Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  409-19, 

612-22,  727-30. 

Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  His- 
tory, pp.  308-14. 

Tower,  Germany  of  To-day,  pp.  69-85. 
West,  The  Modern  World,  pp.  416,  582-91,  657-59. 
Whitcomb,  History  of  Modern  Europe,  pp.  213-19. 

C.  Economic  Organization  of  the  German  Empire. 
I.  Natural  resources. 
II.  Transportation  system. 
Rivers  and  canals. 
Railroads  and  ports. 

89 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

III.  Industries. 

Organization  of  industry. 

Condition  of  the  laborer  in  town  and  country. 

Pension  and  insurance  systems. 

Care  for  the  unemployed. 

IV.  Commerce. 

Its  extent. 
Its  methods. 

„  Tariff  policy  and  free  ports. 
References: 

Davis,  The  Roots  of  the  War,  pp.  202-04. 
Dawson,    The  Evolution  of  Modern  Germany,  pp. 
46-65,  71-74,  79-94,  148-^4,  209-20,  232-35,  336- 

39- 

Dawson,  The  German  Workman,  pp.  1-86,  194-241. 
Dawson,  Industrial  Germany 9  pp.  21-44,  228-45. 
Dawson,  Municipal  Life  and  Government  in  Germany, 

pp.  300-08. 
Gibbons,  New  Map  of  Africa,  pp.  173-88,   228-43, 

299-311,  470-80. 
Herrick,  History  of  Commerce  and  Industry,  pp.  373- 

400. 

Howe,  Socialized  Germany,  pp.  80-160. 
Ogg,  Social  Progress  in  Contemporary  Europe,  pp.  116- 

19,  123-24. 
Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  His- 

tory,  pp.  293-306. 

Tower,  Germany  of  To-day,  pp.  160-82. 
West,  The  Modern  World,  pp.  664-68. 

D.  City  Government. 

Administration  of  German  cities. 
Expert  training  for  municipal  office. 

Lack  of  practice  in  self-government. 
Method  of  city  planning. 
Provision  for  recreation  and  education. 

90 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

References: 
^Anon.,   The  German  Nation,    National    Geographic 

Magazine,  vol.  xxvi,  pp.  275-87. 
Dawson,  Germany  and  the  Germans,  vol.  i,  pp.  54-82. 
Dawson,  German  Life  in  Town  and  Country,  pp.  271- 

77,  279-82.  ^ 
Dawson,  Municipal  Life  and  Government  in  Germany, 

pp.  123-61,  208-79. 

Howe,  European  Cities  at  Work,  pp.  3-270. 
Howe,  The  Modern  City  and  its  Problems,  pp.  118-31, 

218-29,  261-71,  296-303. 
Howe,  Socialized  Germany,  pp.  265-323. 
Munro,  The  Government  of  European  Cities,  pp.  109- 

208. 

Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  634-35. 
Tower,  Germany  of  To-day,  pp.  100-28. 

E.  Education  as  an  Instrument  of  State  Policy. 

General  Characteristics. 
Adaptation  of  educational  system  to  all  forms  of  public 

service. 

Elementary  education. 
Vocational  education. 
The  Gymnasia  and  the  Universities. 
Preservation  of  social  distinctions  in  the  educational 

system. 

Thoroughness  of  training. 
References: 

Cestre,  France,  England  and  European  Democracy, 

pp.  261-66. 

'  Dawson,  German  Life  in  Town  and  Country,  pp.  1 22-41. 
Dawson,  Municipal  Life  and  Government  in  Germany, 
pp.  292-96,  311-37- 

F.  Some  tendencies  of  German  literature  and  thought. 

Emphasis  on  the  idea  of  duty,  especially  duty  to  one's 
country. 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

Kant,  Fichte,  Hegel. 

Glorification  of  the  German  nation. 
Historic  drama  of  Schiller. 
Impetus  given  to  nationalist   spirit   by   German 

historians. 

Recent  development  of  the  Pan-German  idea. 
References: 

Robinson,  The  Last  Decade  of  European  History  and 
The  Great  War,  pp.  bdv-lxviii. 

Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 
Part  II,  pp.  330-33. 

Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  His- 
tory, pp.  130-42,  321-23. 

Schapiro,  War  Cyclopedia,  "Pan-Germanism." 

G.  German  Expansion. 

Colonies  in  Africa. 

Island  possessions. 

Commercial  interests  in  China,  Asia  Minor,  Mesopo- 
tamia and  in  Latin  America. 

References: 

Bigelow,  The  Children  of  the  Nations,  pp.  1 1 1-26. 
Day,  History  of  Commerce,  pp.  390-406. 
Gibbins,  History  of  Commerce  in  Europe,  pp.  200-03. 
Gibbons,  New  Map  of  Africa,  173-88,  228-43,  200- 

311- 

Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  373-74,  408. 
Holt  and  Chilton,  History  of  Europe,  pp.   302-04, 

331-35,  456-71,  532-33. 
Prothero,  German  Policy  Before  the  War,  pp.  26-31, 

35-43- 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Development  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n,  pp.  143-45. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 

Part  II,  pp.  455-56,  459-6o. 
West,  Modern  World,  pp.  663-64. 

92 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

4.  RUSSIA 

THE  teacher  would  be  bold  to  the  point  of  rashness 
who  undertook  at  this  juncture  an  interpretation  of 
the  Russian  nation.  It  is  an  impossible  task.  Yet 
any  view  of  Europe  which  omitted  Russia  would 
stand  convicted  of  gross  inadequacy.  A  country 
which  covers  one  sixth  of  the  earth's  surface  cannot 
be  lightly  overlooked.  Between  the  two  horns  of  the 
dilemma  the  Study  of  Nations  is  awkwardly  placed. 
At  best  only  a  makeshift  outline  can  be  attempted. 
Wherever  any  solid  ground  appears  it  may  be  taken 
for  a  foundation.  If  anything  that  looks  like  a  con- 
structive force  emerges  from  the  surrounding  chaos 
it  may  be  noted  and  explained,  so  far  as  possible.  The 
rest  must  be  left  for  the  revision  of  happier  times. 

Russian  geography  at  least  is  as  yet  stable  save  for 
its  outer  fringe.  So  far  as  the  history  of  the  country 
is  determined  by  vastness  of  territory  or  rigors  of 
climate  the  situation  remains  unchanged.  The  study 
of  productions  and  natural  resources  is  still  profitable. 
The  map  still  shows  the  limitations  imposed  by  the 
lack  of  adequate  seaports.  As  geography  is  the  key 
to  much  of  Russian  history  a  good  starting-point  is 
thus  secured. 

Both  at  home  and  abroad  geographical  conditions 
are  seen  to  influence  the  course  of  events.  Many  of 
the  difficulties  of  administration  have  been  due  to  the 
wide  expanse  of  Russian  territory  and  to  her  multi- 

93 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

tudinous  population.  Russian  foreign  policy  from 
the  time  of  Peter  the  Great  to  our  own  day  has  been 
largely  dictated  by  the  need  for  ice-free  ports.  This, 
too,  explains  the  importance  of  the  Black  Sea  region 
to  Russia,  and  accounts  for  her  anxious  interest  in 
the  fate  of  Constantinople.  It  is  at  the  bottom  of 
her  rivalry  with  Austria  for  influence  in  the  Balkans. 
It  has  led  to  international  complications  even  on  the 
Pacific  coast.  A  study  of  geography  in  Russian  his- 
tory, then,  leads  the  pupil  beyond  the  threshold  of  the 
Great  War  to  the  most  recent  developments  both 
East  and  West. 

Far  more  difficult  than  the  explanation  of  Russian 
foreign  policy  is  the  translation  of  Russian  civiliza- 
tion into  terms  of  the  high-school  vocabulary,  or  into 
the  range  of  the  pupil's  ideas.  In  some  sections  per- 
sonal acquaintance  with  the  views  and  aspirations  of 
Russians  in  this  country  may  make  an  opening  for  the 
consideration  of  the  dreams  and  ambitions  of  Russians 
at  home.  For  the  most  part,  however,  Russian  national 
character  must  remain  an  enigma  to  the  American 
student.  Russian  literature  is  certainly  beyond  the 
comprehension  of  the  high-school  pupil.  Few  exam- 
ples of  Russian  art  are  within  reach.  Russian  religion 
has  many  unfamiliar  features.  Russian  music  is  in- 
deed somewhat  known  to  those  who  are  pursuing  a 
musical  education,  but  as  an  aid  to  the  understanding 
of  Russian  civilization  it  is  a  negligible  quantity. 
Pictures  and  descriptive  matter  are  the  teacher's 

94 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

only  resource,  and  they  are  altogether  inadequate. 
The  mere  impression  of  f oreignness  and  an  unfamiliar 
atmosphere  must  suffice  for  the  time  being.  Healthy 
curiosity  may  be  aroused  and  the  pupil's  mind  may 
be  prepared  so  that  he  will  watch  the  course  of  events 
and  be  ready  to  welcome  whatever  promise  of  ulti- 
mate good  may  come  from  Russia  in  the  days  to 
come. 

In  political  history  the  experience  of  Russia  offers 
a  more  hopeful  field  of  inquiry.  Classes  already  fa- 
miliar with  the  history  of  the  French  Revolution  are 
capable  of  reading  intelligently  on  the  political  issues 
of  the  Russian  revolt.  In  opening  the  subject  the 
situation  in  191 7  may  be  briefly  sketched.  The  pupils 
at  this  point  have  been  sometimes  encouraged  to 
ask  questions  instead  of  answering  them.  Most  of 
the  queries  began  with  the  word  "  Why,"  and  showed 
a  nice  appreciation  of  the  relation  between  cause  and 
effect.  The  road  led  directly  back  from  the  oppres- 
sion under  Nicholas  II  to  the  rule  of  Peter  the  Great. 
Pupils  studied  with  absorbed  interest  the  whole  sys- 
tem of  oppression  under  the  Czars.  The  essential 
difference  between  the  ideals  in  which  they  were 
being  trained  and  those  of  reactionary  Russia  was 
brought  home  to  them  when  they  found  familiar 
books  like  Green's  Short  History  of  the  English  People, 
and  Bryce's  American  Commonwealth,  forbidden  to 
Russian  students.  They  followed  eagerly,  therefore, 
the  efforts  of  the  Russian  people  to  throw  off  the 

95 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

oppressive  yoke  of  the  Czars.  Up  to  the  dramatic 
events  of  1917  the  way  was  clear  and  plain. 

Before  continuing  the  story,  however,  a  compara- 
tive study  of  the  Russian  and  the  French  Revolutions 
may  be  introduced.1  This  not  only  makes  a  good 
review  of  the  work  on  France,  it  also  serves  to  bring 
into  clearer  relief  the  significance  of  events  in  Russia. 
An  article  in  the  Magazine  of  Current  History  for  July, 
191 7,2  provides  an  excellent  outline  for  the  comparison. 

In  both  France  and  Russia  it  appears  that  the  way 
was  prepared  by  the  writings  of  philosophers  and 
leaders  of  thought.  The  dissemination  of  the  doc- 
trine of  universal  brotherhood  by  Tolstoi,  Herzen, 
and  Bakunin  is  comparable  to  the  educational  propa- 
ganda conducted  in  France  by  Voltaire,  Rousseau, 
and  the  Encyclopedists.  In  both  cases,  too,  the  rev- 
olution was  evidently  precipitated  by  the  calling  of  a 
representative  assembly.  In  both  France  and  Russia 
this  act  on  the  part  of  the  ruler  gave  to  the  people 
what  they  most  needed,  —  an  organization  which 
could  be  made  the  instrument  of  popular  will.  As 
Carlyle  remarked  of  the  French  Revolution  that  it 
swallowed  up  its  own  children,  so  pupils  may  observe 
in  Russia  the  gradual  disappearance  of  the  more  con- 
servative reformers,  until  the  country  becomes  at  last 
a  prey  to  the  radical  elements  in  the  population. 

1  See  p.  98. 

1  "The  Russian  and  French  Revolutions:  Parallels  and  Contrasts, 
1789-1917  ";  in  Magazine  of  Current  History,  June,  1917,  pp.  118-23. 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

With  the  outbreak  of  the  so-called  second  revolu- 
tion in  Russia  and  the  overthrow  of  the  Kerensky 
regime  perplexities  begin  to  multiply.  New  elements 
rise  to  the  surface  which  were  not  so  much  in  evi- 
dence in  France.  There  the  revolution  spent  itself 
largely  in  the  seizure  of  political  privileges.  In  Rus- 
sia the  passion  for  social  justice  has  made  political 
democracy  only  a  secondary  issue.  This  socialist 
phase  of  the  Russian  struggle  confronts  the  teacher 
with  new  questions.  The  place  of  socialist  doctrine 
in  education  is  still  unsettled.  Recent  textbooks  now 
usually  give  a  brief  summary  of  the  history  of  social- 
ism and  still  more  brief  notice  of  its  doctrines.  How 
far  and  in  what  spirit  should  this  be  expanded  in  the 
classroom?  This  is  a  question  for  the  individual 
teacher  or  for  the  ruling  of  some  competent  authority. 
Certainly  the  tenets  of  the  leading  parties  in  Russia, 
so  far  as  they  can  be  determined,  must  be  explained 
and  carefully  differentiated.  The  reasons  for  bitter- 
ness and  disunion  may  well  be  given.  In  the  search 
for  constructive  forces  the  Mir,  the  Zemstvo,  and  the 
Soviet  have  seemed  worthy  of  somewhat  careful 
treatment. 

The  work  is  all  fragmentary  and  unsatisfactory. 
Materials  are  scanty  and  hard  to  obtain.  Informa-' 
tion  is  of  uncertain  value.  School  children  and 
adults  alike  must  await  with  open  mind  the  gradual 
shaping  of  events. 


97 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

Comparative  Study  of  the  French  and  the  Russian 
Revolutions 

A.  The  First  Uprising. 

In  France  against  feudal  privilege. 

In  Russia  against  taxation  and  bureaucratic  government. 

B.  Preliminary  Work  of  Leaders  of  Thought. 

In  France. 
Preaching  of  the  virtue  of  sincerity  and  admiration  for 

English  ideas  by  Voltaire. 
Rousseau's  declaration:  "Man  was  bora  free." 
In  Russia. 

Doctrine  of  universal  brotherhood  taught  by  Tolstoi, 
Herzen,  and  Bakunin. 

C.  Political  Change  helped  by  the  Summoning  of  Successive 

Assemblies. 
In  France. 

Assembly  of  Notables. 

Constituent  Assembly. 

Legislative  Assembly. 
In  Russia. 

Council  of  the  Empire. 

Imperial  Douma. 

D.  Revolutionary  Parties  increasingly  Radical. 

"The  revolution  swallowed  up  its  own  children." 
In  France,  the  Girondists  followed  by  Jacobins. 
In  Russia,  the  Constitutional  Democrats  followed  by  the 
Bolsheviki. 

Chief  Point  of  Contrast. 

In  France,  emphasis  placed  upon  political  democracy. 
In  Russia,  emphasis  placed  upon  industrial  democracy. 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

RUSSIA 
Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 

A.  The  Land  and  its  Resources. 

Its  vast  extent. 
Its  varied  character. 
Difficulties  in  transportation. 
Paucity  of  seaports. 
s  The  struggle  for  harbors. 
Under  Peter  the  Great. 
Capture  of  Azov  and  Riga. 
Building  of  St.  Petersburg. 
The  Siberian  Railway. 

Present  effort  to  establish  railway  communication 
with  the  ice-free  ports  of  the  North. 

B.  The  Russian  People. 

Races. 

Classes  of  society. 

Education. 

Large  percentage  of  illiteracy. 

Restrictions  on  political  education  under  the  Czars. 
Religion. 

Origin  of  the  Greek  Catholic  Church. 

Organization  and  influence  of  the  Church. 

Attitude  toward  Jews. 
References: 

Alexinsky,  Modern  Russia,  pp.  13-33,  129-35,  146- 
50,  167-70,  201-03. 

Bigelow,  The  Children  of  the  Nations,  pp.  252-63. 

Brown,  Russia  in  Transformation,  pp.  122-62. 

Davis,  Economic  Possibilities  of  Russia,  The  World's 
Work,  October,  1918,  pp.  661-68. 

Day,  History  of  Commerce,  pp.  441-52. 

Grosvenor,  Young  Russia,  National  Geographic  Maga- 
zine, November,  1914,  pp.  421-520. 

99 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

Hazen,  Europe  since  1815,  pp.  681-82,  687,  696-703, 
706-18. 

Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  246-48. 

Herrick,  History  of  Commerce  and  Industry,  pp.  402-21. 

Hillis,  Studies  of  the  Great  War,  pp.  119-37. 

Lingelbach,  Geography  in  Russian  History,  Popular 
Science  Monthly,  January,  1915,  pp.  5-24. 

Martens,  Unique  Maps  of  Russia  and  Siberia,  The 
World's  Work,  October,  1918,  pp.  673  and  ff. 

Ogg,  Social  Progress  in  Contemporary  Europe,  pp.  119- 
22. 

Pechkoff,  A  Few  Glimpses  into  Russia,  National  Geo- 
graphic Magazine,  September,  1917,  pp.  238-53. 

Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  His- 
tory, pp.  499-Soi,  528-45. 

Schuyler,  Russia's  Democrats,  National  Geographic 
Magazine,  March,  1917,  pp.  210-40. 

Washburn,  The  Russian  Situation  and  Its  Significance 
to  America,  National  Geographic  Magazine,  April, 
1917,  pp.  371-82. 

Washburn,  Russia  from  Within,  National  Geographic 
Magazine,  August,  1917,  pp.  91-120. 

West,  The  Modern  World,  pp.  699-707. 

Whitcomb,  History  of  Modern  Europe,  pp.  250-56, 

.330-34- 
Wilson,  War  and  Democracy,  pp.  164-65,  170-72. 

C.  Varieties  of  Political  Opinion. 
The  Cadets. 
The  Social  Democrats. 
The  Social  Revolutionary  Party. 
References: 
Hayes,  Politkal  and  Social  History  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n,  pp.  474-78,  480-81. 

Schapiro,  History  of  Modern  and  Contemporary  Europe, 
PP.  557-<5o. 

100 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

D.  Reasons  for  Bitterness  against  the  Romanoffs,, 

Absolutist  character  of  the  government  from  Peter  the 

Great  to  Nicholas  II. 
Policy  of  repression. 

The  spy  system. 

The  Siberian  exile  system. 

Injustice  of  the  courts. 
Corruption  of  government  officials. 

E.  Experience  of  the  Russian  People  in  Self-Government 

prior  to  the  Revolution. 
The  Mir. 

Its  peculiar  characteristics. 
The  Zemstvo. 

Work  of  the  Zemstvos  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war. 
The  Douma. 

Circumstances  under  which  it  was  established. 

Limitations  on  its  power. 

Its  part  in  bringing  on  the  revolution. 

F.  The  Campaign  of  Revolt  against  the  Government. 

Peaceful  propaganda. 

Use  of  the  strike  for  political  purposes. 

War  on  the  government  by  the  terrorists. 

G.  Character  of  the  Russian  Revolution. 

Demand  for  social  as  well  as  political  reform. 

H.  The  Course  of  Events. 

The  first  revolution,  1917. 
Overthrow  of  the  Czar. 
Establishment  of  provisional  government  under 

Kerensky. 

The  second  revolution. 
Overthrow  of  Kerensky. 
Gradual  ascendency  of  the  Bolsheviki. 

101 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

References: 

Anort.;  The*  Russian  and  French  Revolutions:  Parallels 
and  Contrasts,  1789-1917,  Magazine  of  Current  His- 
tory, June,  1917,  pp.  118-23. 

Anon.,  Russia's  Two  Revolutions,  Review  of  Reviews, 
January,  1918,  pp.  59-62. 

Brown,  Russia  in  Transformation,  pp.  9-22,  47-59, 
68-94,  113-16. 

Hazen,  Europe  since  1815,  pp.  645-80. 

Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  247-63,  283-89, 

375-83,  391-94. 

Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  558-70,  585-93. 

Levine,  The  Russian  Revolution,  pp.  52-64. 

Robinson,  The  Last  Decade  of  European  History,  pp. 
xii-xv. 

Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  674-87. 

Robinson  and  Beard,  Development  of  Modern  Europe, 
vol.  n,  pp.  26 2-301. 

Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 
Part  II,  pp.  73-79,  55i~73- 

Robinson  and  Beard,  Readings  in  Modern  European 
History,  vol.  i,  pp.  57-63,  vol.  n,  pp.  338-81. 

Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  His- 
tory, pp.  501-28,  546-69,  742-48. 

Seymour  and  Frary,  How  the  World  Votes,  vol.  n,  pp. 

125-74- 
West,  The  Modern  World,  pp.  707-13. 

5.  ITALY 

To  pupils  who  have  studied  the  history  of  Europe  to 
1700  but  have  heard  nothing  of  it  since  that  date, 
save  for  the  passing  glimpses  afforded  in  following  the 
fortunes  of  Napoleon,  the  present  condition  of  Italy 
needs  explanation.  They  know  of  course  that  the 

102 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

Italians  of  to-day  are  a  united  nation,  North  and 
South.  The  Catholics  among  them  know  something 
of  the  present  position  of  the  Pope.  But  all  that  has 
happened  since  the  fall  of  Napoleon  to  change  that 
Italy  which  was  only  a  " geographical  expression" 
into  the  home  land  of  a  united  people  is  unknown, 
and  is  the  subject  of  legitimate  curiosity. 

First  it  is  necessary  to  learn  something  more  of 
present  conditions.  What  is  the  government  of  Italy 
to-day?  Who  is  its  King?  How  did  the  Italians 
gain  unity  and  independence?  For  answer  the  class 
turns  back  once  more  to  the  textbook  account  of  the 
Congress  of  Vienna,  already  familiar  in  connection 
with  the  history  of  other  nations.  From  that  point 
they  trace  the  development  of  Italian  unity  and  the 
gradual  spread  of  constitutional  government  through- 
out the  peninsula.  For  some  reason  the  study  of 
Italian  leaders,  Garibaldi,  Mazzini,  and  Cavour,  in 
the  effort  to  ascertain  their  services  to  the  cause  of 
democracy,  rouses  an  unusual  degree  of  interest,  es- 
pecially if  the  account  given  in  Hazen's  History  of 
Modern  Europe  is  available  for  reading.  Pupils 
confess  that  they  had  gained  from  observation  the 
impression  that  Italians  were  chiefly  day  laborers; 
the  study  of  Italian  statesmanship  as  exemplified 
in  these  men  came  as  a  revelation. 

For  lack  of  time  many  sides  of  modern  Italian  life 
must  of  necessity  be  omitted.  The  place  of  modern 
Italy  in  the  world  of  art  and  letters,  and  her  heroic 

103 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

attempts  to  better  her  economic  condition,  must 
receive  the  briefest  mention.  Her  colonial  ambitions, 
bringing  her  into  the  field  of  international  politics, 
call  for  a  little  fuller  explanation.  Especially  the 
relations  between  Austria  and  Italy  and  the  power  of 
the  dream  of  Italia  Irredenta  as  a  moving  force  in  poli- 
tics must  be  the  subject  of  discussion,  since  they 
explain  Italy's  part  in  the  world  conflict.  Every 
pupil  must  understand  that  this  brief  survey  is 
merely  introductory,  and  that  his  study  of  Italy  as 
a  nation  must  be  deferred  to  later  years. 

At  this  point  in  the  work  some  kind  of  general  re- 
view is  urgently  required.  A  great  danger  attending 
the  study  of  each  nation  separately  is  that  pupils 
may  become  confused  in  their  ideas  of  chronology. 
Every  effort  is  needed  in  order  to  leave  at  the  last  a 
clear  and  definite  impression.  Any  sort  of  bird's-eye 
view  is  helpful.  An  example  of  one  kind  of  chart 
which  has  proved  useful  is  appended  (p.  105).  This 
table  was  made  in  class  as  a  review  exercise  and  then 
made  the  subject, of  more  extended  study.  The  ob- 
ject was  to  emphasize  important  events  in  the 
progress  of  democracy  in  Europe.  A  comparison 
of  the  course  of  events  in  various  countries  shows 
how  the  common  impulse  towards  democracy  and 
national  unity  spread  through  Europe  at  the  same 
period.  The  chart  also  brings  out  the  fact  that  the 
struggle  for  freedom  began  in  England  much  earlier 
than  on  the  Continent. 

104 


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THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

These  topics  may  well  be  made  the  subject  of  a 
somewhat  extended  review,  as  they  put  in  a  new  light 
facts  already  familiar.  Such  a  scheme,  too,  tends  to 
emphasize  the  solidarity  of  human  endeavor,  an  idea 
which  may  readily  be  overlooked  in  a  purely  nation- 
alist study  of  history. 

ITALY 

Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 

A.  Present  Government  of  Italy. 

B.  Steps  by  which  Italian  Unity  was  accomplished. 

Italy  in  1815  "a  geographical  expression." 

Position  of  the  house  of  Piedmont. 
Work  of  Mazzini  and  Cavour. 
War  of  1859  and  its  results. 

Union  of  the  northern  states  under  Piedmont. 
Work  of  Garibaldi. 

Addition  of  the  two  Sicilies  to  the  union. 
Addition  of  Venetia  in  1868. 
Final  union  with  Rome  as  the  capital,  1879. 

C.  Position  of  the  Pope  in  Italy. 

D.  Economic  Condition  of  Italy. 

E.  Colonial  Ambitions. 

Conquests  in  East  Africa. 
Occupation  of  Tripoli  and  Rhodes. 

F.  Irredentism  as  a  Moving  Force  in  Italian  Politics. 

.References: 

Day,  History  of  Commerce,  pp.  429*36. 
Gibbons,  Tlte  New  Map  of  Africa,  pp.  115-29- 

106 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

Hayes,  Political  and  Social  History  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  H,  pp.  367-78. 

Hazen,  Europe  since  1815,  pp.  376-87. 
Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  3-16,  96-105,  305- 

07. 
Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  325-40,  409- 

15,  600-01. 

Hillis,  Studies  of  the  Great  War,  pp.  168-74,  185-88. 
Holt  and  Chilton,  History  of  Europe,  pp.  43-49. 
Lapworth,  Tripoli  and  Young  Italy,  pp.  193-284. 
Lowell,  Greater  European  Governments,  pp.  197-232. 
Ogg,  Social  Progress  in  Contemporary  Europe,  pp.  184- 

85. 

Ogg  and  Beard,  National  Governments  and  the  World 
War,  pp.  404-20. 

Riggs,  Inexhaustible  Italy,  National  Geographic  Maga- 
zine, October,  1916,  pp.  273-368. 

Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  574-77, 
608-12,  622-25. 

Robinson  and  Beard,  Development  of  Modern  Europe, 
vol.  n,  pp.  90-107. 

Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 
Part  II,  pp.  410-25. 

Robinson  and  Beard,  Readings  in  Modern  European 
History,  vol.  n,  pp.  115-41. 

Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  His- 
tory, pp.  195-219,  442-55- 

Stoddard  and  Frank,  The  Stakes  of  the  War,  pp.  147- 

63- 
Thayer,  William  Roscoe,  Italia  Irredenta,  The  World's 

Work,  December,  1918,  pp.  180-84. 
Wallace,  Greater  Italy,  pp.  141-58. 
West,  The  Modern  World,  pp.  669-72. 
Whitcomb,  History  of  Modern  Europe,  pp.  237-49. 


107 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

6.  THE  AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN  EMPIRE 

THE  Austro-Hungarian  Dual  Monarchy,  as  it  stood 
before  the  War,  would  seem  to  have  no  proper  place 
in  a  study  of  nations.  A  state  which  is  purely  the 
outcome  of  artificial  arrangement  and  not  the  product 
of  genuine  national  feeling  offers  in  itself  little  of  in- 
terest to  the  student  of  nationality.  Whether  it  be 
compared  with  France,  a  consolidated  national  unit, 
or  with  Switzerland,  which  out  of  three  main  races 
and  tongues  has  contrived  to  build  a  united  nation,  or 
with  the  United  States,  rightly  denominated  a  na- 
tion, although  containing  within  its  borders  as  great 
racial  variety  as  Austria-Hungary  itself  —  with 
whatever  federated  state  the  comparison  be  made, 
the  Dual  Monarchy  was  chiefly  remarkable  for  that 
which  it  was  not.  Neither  race  nor  language  nor  the 
self-determination  of  its  people  entitled  it  to  be 
called  a  nation. 

Yet,  for  purposes  of  comparison,  the  Dual  Mon- 
archy has  distinct  educational  value.  For  this  com- 
parative work,  however,  the  briefest  outline  study  of 
the  governmental  system  is  sufficient.  Pupils  must 
understand  the  circumstances  under  which  the  empire 
was  established.  They  must  know  something  of  the 
devices  by  which  the  makers  of  the  constitution 
attempted  to  reconcile  conflicting  claims.  These  es- 
sential points  can  be  brought  out  without  extended 
study  of  details. 

108 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

More  important  is  the  peculiar  racial  situation 
which  occasioned  the  difficulty  of  government.  The 
mere  enumeration  of  races  within  the  empire  gives 
enlightenment.  A  study  of  their  mutual  jealousies 
and  nationalist  ambitions  brings  the  student  into 
contact  with  the  underlying  forces  which  are  making 
history  in  that  region.  These  potential  nationalities, 
not  the  clumsy  system  of  which  they  formed  a  part, 
are  the  important  topics  for  discussion. 

For  obvious  reasons  no  attempt  is  made  to  repro- 
duce for  pupils  the  kaleidoscopic  life  of  the  Austrian 
Empire  as  a  whole.  One  t  might  perhaps  give  some 
idea  of  the  life  in  Vienna  or  in  Buda-Pesth,  but  neither 
of  these  cities  can  justly  claim  to  represent  the  civili- 
zation of  the  empire.  A  complete  picture  of  its  varied 
life  is  out  of  the  question. 

In  American  communities  where  former  Austrian 
subjects  are  congregated  a  study  of  the  prevailing 
racial  element  might  be  introduced  into  the  "  Study 
of  Nations"  with  good  effect.  In  the  city  of  Cleve- 
land, for  instance,  where  immigrants  from  the  dual 
empire  have  settled  in  large  numbers,  the  city  library 
has  undertaken  a  work  for  Americanization  which 
might  well  be  extended  to  the  schools.  The  pam- 
phlet on  The  Slovaks  of  Cleveland,  by  Mrs.  Eleanor 
E.  Ledbetter,  published  under  the  direction  of  the 
Cleveland  Americanization  Committee,  serves  as  a 
social  introduction  between  the  Slovaks  of  the  city 
and  the  native  Americans.  So  far  as  it  interprets  to 

109 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

Americans  the  home  life  and  ideals  of  the  Slovak 
population,  it  is  meeting  the  very  need  which  the 
"Study  of  Nations  "is  designed  to  serve.  In  most 
communities  any  extended  study  of  so  primitive  a 
people  as  the  Slovak  would  be  out  of  proportion, 
but  where  the  local  conditions  call  for  such  work,  its 
introduction  would  seem  to  be  well  worth  while.  It 
is  the  intention  that  the  "  Study  of  Nations "  be 
adapted  to  the  need  of  the  individual  community. 

From  an  international  point  of  view  Austria- 
Hungary  is  of  course  crucially  important.  The  rela- 
tions between  Austria  and  Germany,  the  historical 
causes  back  of  the  rivalry  of  Austria  with  Russia  on 
the  one  side  and  Italy  on  the  other,  are  topics  of  great 
importance.  Austria's  relations  to  the  Balkan  States 
too  must  be  understood,  if  the  tragedy  of  Sarajevo  is 
to  have  any  significance.  Heretofore  these  subjects 
have  received  but  hurried  treatment  as  part  of  the 
preparation  for  studying  the  Great  War.  In  the 
near  future  events  may  so  shape  themselves  in  this 
part  of  the  world  that  the  proportions  must  be  radi- 
cally changed. 

THE  AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN  DUAL  MONARCHY 

Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 

A.  The  People  of  Austria-Hungary. 

Various  races  within  the  empire;  their  mutual  jealousies 
and  nationalist  ambitions. 


no 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

B.  The  Form  of  Government. 

The  Dual  Monarchy. 
The  Delegations. 

The  constitutions  of  Austria  and  Hungary. 
Position  of  subordinate  races  in  the  empire. 
Circumstances  under  which  this  government  was  formed, 
1867. 

C.  International  Relations. 

Close  alliance  with  Germany. 
Rivalry  with  Russia  for  influence  in  the  Balkans. 
Enmity  towards  Servia. 
Annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  contrary  to 

Servian  interests. 
Attempt  to  block  the  growth  of  Servia  by  formation 

of  an  independent  Albania  under  Austrian  influence. 
Tariff  discrimination  against  Servian  products. 
References: 
Bigelow,   Poultney,   Austria-Hungary,   The   World's 

Work,  December,  1918,  pp.  185-87. 
Davis,  The  Roots  of  the  War,  pp.  289-307. 
Hayes,  Political  and  Social  History  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  H,  pp.  426-35. 

Hazen,  Europe  since  1815,  pp.  388-405. 
Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  106-20,  299-301. 
Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  416-27,  595- 

97,  604-06. 
Ogg  and  Beard,  National  Governments  and  the  World 

War,  pp.  531755- 

Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  737-41. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Development  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  11,  pp.  123-29. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 

Part  II,  pp.  439-43,  5^6,  589-91- 
Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  His- 
tory, pp.  424-41- 

ill 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

Stoddard  and  Frank,  The  Stakes  of  the  War,  pp.  92- 
94,  100,  119-31,  135-43,  167-87,  215-17. 

West,  The  Modern  World,  pp.  873-76. 

Whitcomb,  A  History  of  Modern  Europe,  pp.  221-25, 
231-36. 


7.  TURKEY  AND  THE  BALKAN  STATES 

THE  Balkan  States  present  to  the  teacher  of  history 
such  an  apparently  hopeless  tangle  that  more  than 
one  of  the  guild  has  sighed  for  the  good  old  days  of 
Bismarck,  when  even  that  astute  statesman  could 
ignore  the  Eastern  question  as  "not  worth  the  bones 
of  a  single  Pomeranian  grenadier."  To-day,  they  are 
important  not  for  their  size  or  wealth,  but  because  of 
their  geographical  position  and  their  relation  to  the 
Great  Powers.  For  the  purposes  of  this  brief  study 
only  the  barest  outline  of  their  history  is  required. 

Since  no  real  national  study  is  to  be  attempted,  the 
simplest  method  of  dealing  with  the  political  situa- 
tion seems  in  this  case  to  be  chronological.  The  class 
begins  with  map  study  of  Turkey  in  Europe  at  its 
greatest  extent  and  then  follows  the  process  by  which 
the  small  states  of  the  Balkan  peninsula  gradually 
gained  their  independence.  From  that  point  any 
good  textbook  account  of  the  Balkan  Wars  and  the 
Treaty  of  Bucharest  gives  sufficient  information. 
The  object  is  to  give  the  pupil  just  enough  intelli- 
gence to  enable  him  to  fit  these  states  into  the  general 
puzzle  of  European  politics. 

112 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

For  this  unambitious  purpose  the  most  useful  facts 
are  not  those  dealing  with  the  internal  history  of 
each  state  but  those  which  bear  upon  the  confused 
international  relations  in  that  section.  It  is  a  region 
of  blurred  outlines  and  conflicting  interests.  Only 
the  most  striking  features  can  be  pointed  out.  The 
situation  as  regards  the  little  Balkan  States  them- 
selves is  well  illustrated  in  the  recent  textbook 
Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  by  Professor  James 
Harvey  Robinson.  He  gives  in  a  good  map  a  graphic 
picture  of  these  States  as  they  are  and  as  they  would 
like  to  be,  telling  the  story  better  than  any  narrative.1 
A  similar  study  of  the  Adriatic  coast  showing  the  rela- 
tive claims  and  desires  of  Austria,  Italy,  and  Servia 
would  be  most  welcome.  Austria's  attempted  dom- 
ination over  the  whole  region  which  has  made  her  the 
hated  neighbor  of  the  Slavs  needs  special  emphasis. 
To  explain  her  relation  toward  Servia  in  particular, 
some  attention  needs  to  be  given  to  the  economic 
conditions  which  aggravate  the  racial  enmity. 
Lastly  the  place  of  these  Balkan  States  in  Germany's 
ambitious  projects  must  be  well  understood. 

With  every  day  the  situation  in  the  Balkan  penin- 
sula changes.  Every  change  brings  a  shifting  of  the 
point  of  interest.  The  treatment  of  the  whole  sub- 
ject should  not  be  regarded  as  an  integral  part  of  the 
"Study  of  Nations"  until  the  projected  States  in  that 

1  Robinson,  James  Harvey :  Medieval  and  Modern  Timesy  pp.  699. 
Ginn  &  Co.  Boston,  1918. 

"3 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

region  have  proved  themselves  genuine  nationalities. 
It  is  introduced  here  only  as  a  necessity  in  view  of  the 
Great  War  to  which  all  history  is  now  an  introduc- 
tion. 

TURKEY  AND  THE  BALKAN  STATES 

Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 

Turkey 

A.  Its  Form  of  Government. 

The  Sultan. 
The  Parliament. 

B.  Character  of  Turkish  Rule. 

At  home. 

Over  subject  people. 

The  Bulgarian  atrocities. 

The  Armenian  atrocities. 
German  influence  in  Turkey. 

C.  History  of  Turkey  in  Europe. 

Its  origin. 

Capture  of  Constantinople,  1453. 
Its  territory  at  the  largest  extent. 
Its  position  in  the  nineteenth  century. 

"The  sick  man  of  Europe." 
Reasons  for  its  support  by  the  western  powers  in  the 

Crimean  War  and  the  Russo-Turkish  Wars. 
Revolution  of  1908. 
Reduction  of  territory  as  result  of  war  with  Italy  and 

the  Balkan  Wars. 
References: 

Coolidge,  Origins  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  pp.  65-82. 

Davis,  The  Roots  of  the  War,  pp.  268-88. 

Hayes,  Political  and  Social  History  of  Modern  Europe, 
vol.  II,  pp.  528-39. 

114 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  226-35,  296-315. 
Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  548-50,  555" 

57,  594-606. 

Hillis,  Studies  of  the  Great  War,  pp.  149-60. 
Holt  and   Chilton,   History  of  Europe,  pp.  44i~44> 

454-55,  483-84,  494- 
Robinson,  The  Last  Decade  of  European  History  and 

The  Great  War,  pp.  x-xi,  xxxi-xxxii. 
Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  420,  689- 

701. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Development  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n,  pp.  303-15- 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 

Part  II,  pp.  574-83,  586-91. 
Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  His- 

tory,  pp.  640-49. 
Sloane,  The  Balkans,  pp.  25-37,  45-48. 

Greece 

A.  Its  Present  Government. 

Opposing  parties. 

Reasons  for  the  overthrow  of  King  Constantine. 

B.  Economic  Condition. 

C.  Territorial  Ambitions. 

References: 

Hayes,  Political  and  Social  History  of  Modern  Europe, 
vol.  n,  pp.  495-96,  5i5-i7,  528-36. 

Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  229,  241-43. 

Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  542-43,  554- 
55,  602-06. 

Holt  and  Chilton,  The  History  of  Europe,  pp.  189,  248, 
250-51,  483-506. 

Moses,  Greece  of  To-day,  National  Geographic  Maga- 
zine, October,  1915,  pp.  295-329. 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  578,  690- 

91. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Development  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n,  pp.  315-16. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 

Part  II,  pp.  583-84. 
Robinson  and  Beard,  Readings  in  Modern  European 

History,  vol.  n,  pp.  384-88. 
Seymour  and  Frary,  How  the  World  Votes,  vol.  n,  pp. 

240-45. 
Sloane,  The  Balkans,  pp.  39-40,  106-14. 

Bulgaria 

A.  Formation  as  an  independent  state. 

B.  Rivalry  with  Greece  and  Servia. 

C.  Its  part  in  the  first  and  second  Balkan  Wars. 

Treaty  of  Bucharest. 

D.  Attitude  in  the  Great  War. 

References: 
Hayes,  Political  and  Social  History  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n,  pp.  521-23. 
Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  231-39,  311-13, 

348,  408. 
Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  547-52,  595- 

96,  602-06. 
Holt  and  Chilton,  History  of  Europe,  pp.  189-91,  248- 

52,  499-500,  506-07. 
Jenkins,  Bulgaria  and  Its  Women,  National  Geographic 

Magazine,  April,  1915,  pp.  377-400. 
Robinson,  The  Last  Decade  of  European  History,  pp. 

xxxii-xxxiv,  1. 
Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  694-95. 

116 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

Seymour  and  Frary,  How  the  World  Votes,  vol.  n,  pp. 

255-60. 
Sloane,  The  Balkans,  pp.  126-33. 

Servia 

A.  Separation  from  Turkey. 

B.  Part  played  by  Servia  in  the  Balkan  Wars. 

C.  Economic  needs  and  territorial  ambitions. 

D.  The  new  Jugo-Slavic  state. 

References: 

Harding,  The  Great  War,  pp.  29-34. 
Hayes,  Political  and  Social  History  of  Modern  Europe, 

vol.  n,  pp.  499,  519-21,  528-33,  536-39,  706-13. 
Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  228,  233-41,  300- 

01,  311-18,  321-22,  348-50. 
Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  547-48,  553, 

596-97,  602-12. 
Holt  and  Chilton,  History  of  Europe,  pp.  209-10,  214, 

444-46,496-99. 
MacAdam,  George,  Jugoslavia,  The  Worlds  Work, 

December,  1918,  pp.  154-60. 

Mijatovich,  Servia  and  the  Servians,  pp.  7-37,  233-42. 
Petrovich,  Serbia,  Her  People,  History  and  Aspira- 
tions, pp.  1-35. 
Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  689, 697- 

701. 
Showalter,   The  Kingdom  of  Servia,  National  Geo~ 

graphic  Magazine,  April,  1915,  pp.  417-32. 
Sloane,  The  Balkans,  pp.  133-44. 
Stoddard  and  Frank,  The  Stakes  of  the  War,  pp.  167- 

186,  214. 


117 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

8.  THE  "STUDY  OF  NATIONS "  AND  THE 
GREAT  WAR 

No  course  in  modern  history  is  conceivable  which 
fails  to  give  careful  attention  to  the  Great  War.  It 
is  the  subject  of  supreme  interest  in  the  present,  and 
the  topic  to  which  all  lines  of  historical  development 
converge.  A  study  of  its  causes  and  its  historical 
background  offers  to  a  class  just  completing  the 
" Study  of  Nations"  a  valuable  review  of  the  year's 
work.  There  is  no  topic  in  the  whole  outline  but  is 
seen  to  have  some  bearing  on  the  crisis.  Old  facts  in 
this  connection  take  on  new  relationships,  since  the 
nations  are  not  now  considered  separately,  but  acting 
together.  Differences  in  national  character  are  now 
not  merely  interesting  in  themselves;  they  are  seen 
to  have  world-import.  Imperial  ambitions  and  rival- 
ries take  on  increased  significance  as  determining 
factors  in  international  relations.  As  a  means  of 
binding  together  the  various  parts  of  the  year's  work 
and  supplementing  its  nationalist  view  of  history, 
nothing  better  could  be  devised  than  the  story  of  the 
great  international  conflict.  At  the  same  time  the 
impression  of  the  value  of  historical  study  receives 
reinforcement  as  pupils  find,  in  what  they  sometimes 
call  the  "cold  bare  facts  of  history/'  the  key  to  the 
greatest  puzzle  of  their  experience. 

To  help  in  making  a  background  for  the  war,  it  has 
seemed  best,  following  the  example  of  a  recent  text- 

118 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

book  writer,1  to  take  a  cursory  view  of  general  Euro- 
pean conditions  in  the  early  years  of  the  twentieth 
century,  noting  the  forces  that  make  for  human  soli- 
darity as  well  as  those  which  have  tended  toward  the 
disruption  of  the  civilized  world. 

In  this  bird's-eye  view  of  Europe  pupils  were  quick 
to  see  for  themselves  the  material  forces  binding  the 
nations  together.  They  enumerated  almost  at  once 
the  various  means  of  transportation  and  communica- 
tion which  contribute  to  this  result.  After  a  little 
thought,  international  movements  like  those  of  the 
Socialists,  or  the  societies  for  the  promotion  of  peace, 
were  seen  to  have  the  same  tendency.  The  intellec- 
tual and  moral  forces  common  to  the  civilized  world 
were  more  dimly  appreciated,  as  they  belonged  to  a 
range  of  thought  somewhat  removed  from  the  mind 
of  the  high-school  pupil. 

The  forces  of  disruption  were  more  familiar  from 
previous  work.  The  struggles  for  national  unity 
which  had  been  followed  in  Germany  or  Italy  or  the 
little  Balkan  States  proved  in  this  new  view  to  have 
within  themselves  elements  of  international  discord. 
Thus  the  struggle  to  put  all  Italians  under  one  flag  is 
still  leading  to  endless  complications,  while  the  na- 
tionalist ambitions  of  the  peoples  of  Austria-Hungary 
and  the  Balkans  are  seen  to  have  direct  connection 
with  the  outbreak  of  the  "  irreconcilable  conflict." 

1  James  Harvey  Robinson:  Medieval  and  Modern  Times.  Ginn 
&  Co.  1918. 

119 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

Still  more  clearly  the  system  of  imperialism  is  seen 
to  be  a  cause  of  international  disputes  in  all  parts 
of  the  world.  This  brief  enumeration  of  world- 
forces,  making  on  the  one  side  for  harmony  and  on  the 
other  for  discord,  prepares  the  way  for  the  study  of 
the  conflict  itself. 

The  preliminary  events  of  the  war  and  the  story  of 
its  progress  forms  no  distinctive  part  of  the  "  Study 
of  Nations."  For  this  work  the  outline,  The  Study 
of  the  Great  War,  published  by  Professor  Samuel  B. 
Harding  under  the  auspices  of  the  Committee  on 
Public  Information,  was  put  into  the  hands  of  pupils 
and  used  as  the  basis  of  class  discussion.  This  work 
has  a  place  in  all  courses  in  modern  history  alike. 

THE  HISTORIC  BACKGROUND  OF  THE  GREAT  WAR 
Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 

A.  Forces  tending  to  Internationalism. 

I.  Solidarity  of  the  world  owing  to  easy  and  rapid 

communication  and  transportation. 
Steam  railway  and  steam  navigation. 
Suez  and  Panama  Canals. 
Post,  telephone,  telegraph,  and  cable. 

II.  Common  movement  toward  democracy  throughout 

the  civilized  world. 

The  war  from  one  point  of  view  the  latest  inci- 
dent in  the  struggle  for  the  rights  of  man. 

HI.  Common  tendency  toward  industrialism. 

The  industrial  revolution  and  the  resulting  devel- 
opment of  urban  life. 

120 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

IV.  Moral  and  intellectual  unity  throughout  the  civ- 
ilized world. 

V.  International  movements. 

1.  The  peace  movement. 

First  and  Second  Peace  conferences. 

Establishment  of  a  permanent  court  of  arbi- 
tration for  the  settlement  of  international 
disputes. 

2.  Socialism. 

Principles  of  socialism. 
Karl  Marx  and  his  teaching. 
Socialism  in  France. 
Socialists  in  the  Revolution  of  1848. 
Socialists  in  the  Paris  Commune. 
Socialism  under  the  Third  Republic. 
Socialism  in  England. 
The  Fabian  Society. 
Socialistic  character  of  recent  legislation. 

"The  war  on  poverty." 
Socialist  principles  of  the  British  Labour 

Party. 

Socialism  in  Russia. 

The  moving  force  of  the  Russian  Revolu- 
tion. 

Socialism  in  Germany. 
Beginnings  under  Marx  and  Lasalle. 
Bismarck's  attitude  toward  socialism. 
Development    of   state    and   municipal 

socialism. 
References: 

Davis,  The  Roots  of  the  War,  pp.  335-44- 

Harding,  The  Great  War,  pp.  9-10. 

Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  41-44,  54,  290-96, 

379-So. 

Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  294-97, 314-17, 
378-80,  565,  590-94. 

121 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

Robinson,   The   Last  Decade   of  European   History, 

pp.  xvii-xxii,  Ixii-ixiv. 
Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  703-09, 

727-33. 

Robinson  and  Beard,  Development  of  Modern  Europe, 
vol.  n,  pp.  310-31,  367-72,  386-405. 

Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 
Part  II,  pp.  681-84. 

Robinson  and  Beard,  Readings  in  Modern  European 
History,  vol.  n,  pp.  406-19,  458-66,  489-505. 

Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  His- 
tory, pp.  570-602,  696-99. 

Seignobos,  History  of  Contemporary  Civilization, 
pp.  425-36. 

B.  Nationalism  and  Imperialism  as  forces  Tending  to  Dis- 
union between  States. 
I.  Examples  of  nationalism  as  a  factor  in  the  making  of 

modern  history. 

Struggle  for  national  unity  in  Germany. 
Struggle  for  Italian  unity. 
Nationalist  ambitions  of  the  Balkan  peoples. 
Nationalist  feeling  in  Poland  and  Finland. 

n.  Imperialism  —  a  larger  nationalism. 

1.  Definition  of  imperialism. 

"The  policy  of  adding  distant  territories  for 
the  purpose  of 

controlling  their  products 
getting  trade  with  natives 
investing  money  in  the  development  of 
natural  resources.'1  (J.  H.  Robinson.) 

2.  Imperialism  a  cause  of  international  disputes. 

a.  In  the  Far  East. 

Conflicting  interests  of  Japan,  Russia, 
Germany,  and  Great  Britain  in 
China  and  Korea. 

122 


EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

b.  In  Africa. 

French  and  English  rivalry  in  Egypt. 
The  race  for  Central  Africa. 
French  and  Italian  rivalry  in  Tunis. 
French  and  German  rivalry  in  Morocco. 

c.  In  the  Near  East. 

Russian  and  Austrian  rivalry  in  the 

Balkans. 

Pan-Slavism  vs.  Pan-Germanism. 
Russian  and  English  rivalry  in  Persia. 
German  and  British  rivalry  in  Asia 
Minor  and  Mesopotamia. 
The  Berlin  to  Bagdad  Railway 
project. 

References: 

Harding,  The  Great  War,  pp.  10-11. 

Hearnshaw,  Main  Currents  of  European  History, 
pp.  268-98. 

Robinson,  The  Last  Decade  of  European  History  and 
The  Great  War,  pp.  Ix-lxii. 

Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  708,  710- 
23,  733-42. 

Robinson  and  Beard,  Outlines  of  European  History, 
Part  II,  pp.  684-92. 

Schapiro,  Modern  and  Contemporary  European  His- 
tory, pp.  650-57,  671-73,  700-08. 

Preliminary  Events  of  the  Great  War 

Murder  of  the  Archduke  Ferdinand. 

The  Austrian  ultimatum  and  Servians  reply. 

Attitude  of  Germany. 

Russian  mobilization. 

The  Triple  Alliance  vs.  the  Triple  Entente. 

Violation  of  Belgian  neutrality. 

Entrance  of  England  into  the  war. 

123 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

References: 

Ashley,  Modern  European  Civilization,  pp.  556-77. 
Coolidge,  Origins  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  pp.  138-46,  159-74, 

209-18. 

Harding,  The  Great  War,  passim. 
Hazen,  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  pp.  316-31. 
Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  pp.  608-18. 
Hearnshaw,  Main  Currents  of  European  History,  pp.  316-27. 
Holt  and  Chilton,  History  of  Europe,  pp.  220-23,  258-60, 

365-87,  539-6i. 

Robinson,  Last  Decade  of  European  History,  pp.  rxxvi-xl. 
Robinson,  Medieval  and  Modern  Times,  pp.  742-44. 
Robinson  and  Beard.  Outlines  of  European  History,  Part  II, 

pp.  692-94. 


Ill 

ORIENTAL  NATIONS 

1.  CHINA 

THERE  is  on  the  part  of  Americans  profound  igno- 
rance of  the  Far  East  and  much  of  prejudice.  Most 
of  our  school-children  have  formed  their  ideas  of  the 
Chinese  from  their  observation  of  laundrymen  and 
have  no  appreciation  of  the  importance  of  China  or 
of  its  ancient  and  rich  civilization  and  its  perplex- 
ing modern  problems.  The  object  of  the  teacher 
should  thus  be  first  of  all  to  see  that  the  pupil  ac- 
quires some  idea  of  the  vast  potential  riches  of 
China's  natural  resources,  the  ability  and  high  civi- 
lization of  its  people,  and  the  situation  which  con- 
fronts it  to-day.  But  little  further  comment  is 
probably  needed  than  that  given  in  the  topical 
outline.  It  is  useless  to  burden  the  pupil's  memory 
with  many  Chinese  names,  for  the  average  Ameri- 
can acquires  them  with  difficulty  and  readily  forgets 
them.  Those  given  in  the  outline  and  perhaps  a  few 
others  should,  however,  be  thoroughly  learned.  It 
is  needless,  too,  in  a  course  as  brief  as  this  to  go  into 
the  details  of  dynasties  and  emperors  before  the  nine- 
teenth century.  If  the  outstanding  features  of  those 

125 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

earlier  periods  can  be  remembered,  it  is  about  all  that 
we  should  ask.  The  past  hundred,  and  particularly 
the  past  twenty-five,  years  should  be  gone  into  some- 
what more  in  detail,  however,  for  it  is  these  which 
lead  directly  to  the  problems  of  to-day.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that  the  pupil  will  get  from  the  study  a  clear 
impression  of  the  outstanding  features  of  the  Chi- 
nese, their  culture  and  political  organization,  and  an 
understanding  of  the  main  difficulties  with  which 
that  people  are  now  confronted. 

The  teacher  would  do  well  to  read  in  preparation 
K.  S.  Latourette,  The  Development  of  China,  which 
was  written  for  American  college  students  and  con- 
tains most  of  the  facts  needed  for  this  study.  This 
book  can  probably  also  be  used  with  profit  by  the 
students.  In  case  a  good  library  is  accessible,  it  is 
suggested  that  pupils  be  assigned  to  the  different 
books  that  can  be  found,  and  be  asked  either  to 
report  on  their  reading  orally  at  an  appropriate  time 
or  to  hand  in  written  reports.  The  bibliography 
attached  to  this  chapter  gives  some  of  the  more  im- 
portant titles,  and  a  fuller  list  with  critical  annota- 
tions is  to  be  found  at  the  end  of  Latourette,  The 
Development  of  China.  For  more  recent  happenings, 
Latourette,  China,  The  United  States,  and  tfte  War, 
may  be  consulted  and  for  current  events  Asia  should 
be  read  carefully.  The  superb  illustrations  in  the 
monthly  will  prove  of  interest  to  the  class. 


126 


ORIENTAL  NATIONS 

CHINA 
Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 

I.  Outstanding  characteristics  of  the  China  of  to-day. 

1.  Geography. 

a.  Boundaries. 

b.  Area.     (Compare  with  the  United  States.) 

c.  Division  into  two  main  parts,  China  Proper 
(the  Eighteen  Provinces)   and  the  outlying 
dependencies    (Tibet,    The   New   Territory, 
Mongolia,  and  Manchuria). 

d.  Barriers  of  mountains,  deserts,  and  plateaus 
to  the  north,  west,  and  south. 

e.  Chief  rivers,  the   Yangtze  and   the  Yellow 
(Hoang-ho),  supplemented  by  many   tribu- 
taries and  canals. 

Latourette,    The    Development    of   China, 
chap.  i. 

2.  Natural  resources,  particularly  of  China  Proper. 

a.  Immensely  fertile  lands. 

b.  Great  mineral  resources,  especially  of  iron  and 
coal. 

c.  A  favorable  climate. 

By  these  features  China  is  fitted  to  be  the 
home  of  a  great  race  and  as  a  source  of  raw 
materials  is  equaled  by  few  countries. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  China,  chap.  i. 
3*  The  Chinese  People. 

a.  They  number  over  300,000,000,  the  largest 
homogeneous  group  of  mankind. 

b.  Characteristics:     industrious,    able,     frugal, 
democratic,  honoring  learning,  idealistic  and 
yet   materialistic,   highly   civilized,   vigorous 
mentally  and  physically. 

Latourette,    The    Development    of   China> 
chap.  4. 

127 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

4.  The  profound  changes  that  are  taking  place. 

a.  The  substitution  of  a  republic  for  an  empire. 

b.  The  influx  of  foreign  learning,  customs,  and 
ideals  through  schools,  newspapers,  merchants, 
travelers,  and  missionaries.      The  migration 
of  Chinese  students  to  this  country. 

c.  The  introduction  of  railways,  steamships,  the 
telegraph,  a  modern  postal  system,  factories, 
and  foreign  goods,  and  the  changes  in  Chinese 
industry  and  commerce  which  are  resulting. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  China,  chaps. 
6  and  7. 

5.  The  weakness  of  China. 

a.  Internal  dissensions,  governmental  disorgan- 
ization and  civil  war. 

b.  Encroachments  on  China  of  foreign  powers, 
particularly  Japan,  through  leased  territories, 
spheres  of  influence,  mining,  financial,  and 
railway    concessions,    loans,    exterritoriality, 
and  control  of  the  customs  duties  and  the  salt 
tax. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  China,  chaps. 
5  and  6. 

EL  The  outstanding  features  of  the  historical  development 
which  have  resulted  in  the  formation  of  present-day 
China. 

i.  Geographic  influences. 

a.  The  boundaries  shut  off  the  old  China  from 
other  peoples,  made  her  culture  largely  indige- 
nous, and  gave  her  a  feeling  of  intense  pride 
and  conservatism. 

b.  Her  fertile  soil,  rivers,  and  climate  favored  the 
growth  of  her  population  and  culture. 

c.  The  plateaus  to  the  north  and  west  were  a 
source  of  frequent  invasions. 

Latourette,  The  Development  oj C/;wkz,chap.  i. 

128 


ORIENTAL  NATIONS 

2.  To  the  coming  of  the  European:  the  formation  of  the 
old  China. 

a.  The  original  Chinese  were  in  Northwest  China 
and  expanded  gradually  from  perhaps  1 500  B.  c. 
until  they  attained  their  present  boundaries. 
This  expansion  is  still  in  progress,  especially 
in  Manchuria  and  in  the  Malay  Peninsula. 

b.  The  formation  of  the  family,  which  is  one  of 
the  most  ancient  features  of  Chinese  life  and 
is   to-day  one  of  its  outstanding  character- 
istics. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  China,  pp. 

131-37- 

c.  The  development  of  religions.  There  is  a  spirit 
of  tolerance  and  a  Chinese  may  be  an  Ani- 
mist,  Taoist,  Buddhist,  and  Confucianist  all 
in  one. 

(1)  The  original  faith  was  a  kind  of  animism 
supplemented  by  a  reverence  for  Heaven 
and  Earth. 

(2)  Taoism,  in  part  mystical,  in  part  frankly 
superstitious.     Its  origin  is  traced  to 
Lao  Tze  of  the  sixth  century,  B.C. 

(3)  Confucianism.    This  was  first  developed 
by  Confucius  (551-479  B.C.),  but  owes 
rnuch  also  to  later  scholars,  especially 
Mencius  (fourth  century  B.C.)  and  Chu 
Hsi  (twelfth  century  A.D.)  .  It  has  a  high 
standard  of  ethics,  but  minimizes  the 
supernatural.     Reverence  for  ancestors 
plays  a  large  part  in  it. 

(4)  Buddhism.     This  was  introduced  from 
India  in  the  first  century  A.D.,  and  after 
some  centuries  came  to  be  one  of  the 
dominant  faiths  of  the  empire. 

(5)  Mohammedanism.      This    has    never 

129 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

ranked    numerically    with    the    other 
faiths. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  China, 
pp.  21,  24,  35,  36,  42-46,  122-31. 

d.  Language  and  literature. 

(1)  The  spoken  language  is  monosyllabic, 
not  related  to  European  tongues. 

(2)  Written  language:  The  Chinese  char- 
acter, partly  pictographic,  partly  ideo- 
graphic, partly  phonetic. 

(3)  The  literature:  very  rich,  especially  in 
poetry,  history,  philosophy,  and  ethics. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  China, 

pp.  110-20. 

e.  Art:  Particularly  rich  in  paintings  and  porce- 
lain. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  China ,  pp. 

120-22. 
I.  Economic  life. 

(1)  Very  highly  developed.     The  Chinese 
have  devoted  their  energies  largely  to 
this  side  of  their  life,  in  contrast  with  the 
Japanese  who  have  traditionally  been 
military  in  their  ideals,  and  to  the  peo- 
ples of  India  whose  distinguishing  char- 
acteristic is  interest  in  religion. 

(2)  Agriculture:  very  skillful.     Both  land 
and  water  are  made  to  yield  almost  to 
their  fullest  extent. 

(3)  Industry:  varied,  but  in  the  household 
or  small  shop  stage. 

(4)  The  business  and  industrial  organization 
was  made  up  of  gilds  and  partnerships, 
not  joint  stock  companies. 

(5)  Commerce  was  largely  internal,  for  the 
country  was  vast  and  other  civilized 

130 


ORIENTAL  NATIONS 

peoples  were  far  away.     It  was  highly 
developed,  however. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  China, 
pp.  90-96. 

g.  Political  life. 

(1)  At  first  a  small  patriarchal  state,  with 
*      the  emperor  at  the  head. 

(2)  As  the  Chinese  expanded  the  central 
government  for  a  time  was  weakened, 
but  in  the  third  century  before  Christ 
the  nation  was  united  under  two  succes- 
sive strong  dynasties  and  a  form  of 
organization  was  adopted  which  with 
changes  has  persisted  to  our  own  day, 
although  at  times  the  nation  has  been 
divided  for  long  centuries. 

(3)  The  ideal  of  the  state  was  the  welfare 
of  the  people  and  rebellion  against  the 
ruling   house   was   justifiable   if   mis- 
government  was  persistent. 

(4)  The  emperor  was  at  the  head  of  the 
state  and  was  in  theory  absolute.    There 
have  been  many  dynasties,  ten  of  them 
more  important,  and  thirteen  of  second- 
ary importance.     A  dynasty  might  be 
overthrown  if  it  proved  incapable  of 
giving  a  satisfactory  government. 

(5)  The  emperor  was  assisted  by  a  bureau- 
cracy   whose    members    were    chosen 
by  means  of  civil-service  examinations 
based   largely   on    Chinese   literature. 
To  the  preparation  for  these  examina- 
tions most  of  the  attention  of  the  formal 
education  of   the   land  was   directed. 
The  result  was  a  premium  on  learning 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

and  ability  and  a  tendency  toward 
democracy.  There  is  no  hereditary 
nobility  among  the  Chinese  and  few 
hard  and  fast  class  distinctions. 

(6)  Local  units,  such  as  villages,  largely 
self-governing. 

(7)  There  was  almost  constant  righting  with 
semi-nomadic  non- Chinese  peoples   in 
the  north  and  west,  and  at  various 
times  these  overran  part  or  all  of  the 
empire  and  dominated  the  government. 
The  latest  of  these  foreign  conquerors 
were  the  Manchus  (1644-1911).     The 
conquerors  have  always  adopted  Chi- 
nese culture. 

Latourette,  TJte  Development  of  China, 

chaps.  2,  3,  4. 

3.  The  coming  of  the  Europeans  and  the  changes 
which  have  followed. 

a.  Medieval  intercourse  between  Cathay  (China) 
and  Europe.  Marco  Polo  and  the  Francis- 
cans. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  China,  p.  60. 

b.  The  discovery  of  the  sea  route  to  the  Far  East 
and  the  arrival  of  the  Portuguese,  who  were 
followed  by  the  Spanish,  Dutch,  and  English 
(i6th  and  iyth  centuries)  and  Catholic  mis- 
sionaries.    This  intercourse  was  carried  on 
under   close  restrictions  and    did    not  very 
greatly  affect  Chinese  life. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  China,  pp. 

64-67,  70-85. 
c.  Period  of  the  gradual  opening  of  China. 

(i)  First  Chino-British  war  (1839-1842) 
and  the  treaties  which  followed,  estab- 
lishing treaty  ports,  a  conventional 

132 


ORIENTAL  NATIONS 

(fixed  by  treaty)  tariff,  and  exterritori- 
ality, and  ceding  Hongkong  to  Great 
Britain. 

(2)  Second  Chino-British  war,  in  which  the 
French  joined,  leading  to  the  toleration 
of  Christianity.     The  opening  of  more 
treaty  ports,  and  the  residence  of  for- 
eign ministers  in  Peking. 

(3)  Further  intercourse  through  commerce, 
diplomacy,  and  Christian  missions,  and 
some  further  friction. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  China, 
chap.  5. 

d.  The  Chino-Japanese  war  (1894-1895). 

(1)  Its  causes:  rivalry  in  Korea. 

(2)  Its  results. 

(a)  The  beginnings  of  Japanese  ex- 
pansion  in    the   continent   and 
Japanese  assumption  of  Formosa. 

(b)  The  strengthening  of  the  reform 
movement  in  China. 

(c)  European  aggressions. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of 
China,  pp.  174-90. 

e.  The  scramble  of  European  Powers  for  Chinese 
territory,  concessions,  and  spheres  of  influence. 

(1)  Russia  in  Manchuria. 

(2)  Germany  in  Shantung. 

(3)  Great  Britain :  Wei-hai-Wei,  the  Yangtze 
Valley,  and  opposite  Hongkong. 

(4)  France  in  South  China. 

(5)  The  United  States  through  Hay  started 
the  Open  Door  policy  (1899). 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  China, 
pp.  180-88. 

f.  The  reform  movement,  engineered  by   the 

133 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

young  emperor,   1898,  followed  by  reaction 
under  empress  dowager  and 
g.  The  Boxer  uprising  (1900),  a  vigorous  attempt 
to  rid  China  of  the  foreigner.     This  was  put 
down  by  joint  action  of  the  Powers.     Among 
the  penalties  inflicted  on  China  was  a  huge 
indemnity. 
Latourette,  The  Development  of  China,  pp. 

190-96. 

h.  Russian  aggression  following  the  Boxer  year 
became  so  menacing,  especially  to  Japan,  that 
the  Russo-Japanese  war  followed,  1904-1905, 
and  resulted  in  substituting  Japan  for  Russia 
in  southern  Manchuria  and  in  fixing  Japan's 
hold  firmly  on  Korea. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  China,  pp. 

196-201. 

i.  The  effect  upon  China  of  the  Boxer  year  and 
the  Russo-Japanese  war  was  to  accentuate  the 
reform  movement  and  to  accelerate  the  Euro- 
peanizing  of  China.  Changes  took  place  in 
education,  commerce,  and  industry.  Political 
changes  were  contemplated  looking  toward  a 
constitutional  government. 
j.  As  part  of  the  above  changes,  the  Manchus 
were  overthrown  by  a  revolution  (1911-1912) 
and  a  republic  was  established  with  Yuan 
Shih  K'ai  as  its  president. 
Latourette,  The  Development  of  China,  pp. 

201-18. 
k.  China  and  the  World  War. 

(i)  Japan  drove  the  Germans  out  of  Shan- 
tung (1914)  and  made  demands  on 
China  (1915)  which  greatly  extended 
the  control  of  the  island  empire  over  its 
huge  neighbor. 

134 


ORIENTAL  NATIONS 

(2)  Yuan  Shih  K'ai  tried  to  make  himself 
emperor  and,  failing,  died  (1916)  and 
was  succeeded  by  Li  Yuan  Hung. 

(3)  China,  at  America's  instance,  broke  with 
Germany  (March,  1917)  and  later  de- 
clared war  on  Germany. 

(4)  The  question  of  war  led  to  a  split  be- 
tween the  militaristic  North  and  the 
more  democratic  South  and  to  civil  war 
between  the  two  sections  (1917-1919). 

(5)  The  demands  of  China  of  the  Peace 
Conference  and  the  present  status. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  China, 

pp.  221-34. 
Latourette,  China,  the  United  States, 

and  the  War. 
Wheeler,  China  and  the  World  War. 

III.  American  relations  with  China. 

1.  Early  intercourse  and  the  first  treaty,  1784-1844. 

2.  Anson  Burlingame  directed  the  first  Chinese  mission 
to  Europe  and  America. 

3.  America  excluded  Chinese  labor. 

4.  America  stands  for  equal  opportunity  in  China  and 
the  independence  and  territorial  integrity  of  that 
country. 

a.  The  Hay  policy  (1899). 

b.  America  stood  against  the  partition  of  China 
after  the  Boxer  year.     She  remitted  part  of 
her  share  of  the  indemnity  and  from  the  pro- 
ceeds Chinese  students  are  sent  to  this  country 
for  education. 

c.  America  protested  against  Russian  aggression 
in  Manchuria  (1901-1904). 

d.  The  Knox  proposal  to  internationalize  the 
Russian  and  Japanese  railways  in  Manchuria 
(1910). 

135 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

e.  The  Lansing-Ishii  agreement  (1917). 

f.  The  American  missionaries;  a  wholesome  ele- 
ment in  China. 

'Latourette,  China,  The  United  States,  and 

the  War. 
Latourette,  The  Development  of  China,  pp.  80, 

147,  152,  163-66,  170,  171,  187, 188, 193, 

197. 

A  Selected  Bibliography 

The  attempt  is  here  made  to  give  a  list  of  only  the  books 
more  usually  found  in  libraries  and  which  are  most  suitable 
for  a  course  of  this  kind. 

Encyclopedia  Britannica,  Article  on  "China." 

Bashford,  J.  W.  China,  An  Interpretation.  New  York,  1916. 

Biand,  J.  C.  P.,  and  Backhouse,  E.  China  under  the  Empress 

Dowager.    Houghton  Mifflin  Company,  Boston,  1914. 
Hornbeck,  S.  K.    Contemporary  Politics  in  the  Far  East. 

D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  New  York,  1916. 
Latourette,  K.  S.    China,  The  United  States,  and  the  War. 

The  World  Peace  Foundation,  Boston,  1919. 
Latourette,  K.  S.    The  Development  of  China.    Houghton 

Mifflin  Company,  Boston,  1917. 

MacGowan,  J.  C.  Men  and  Manners  of  Modern  China.  Lon- 
don, 1912. 
Parker,  E.  H.  China:  Her  History,  Diplomacy,  and  Commerce. 

New  York,  1901. 

Ross,  E.  A.  The  Changing  Chinese.  New  York,  1911. 
Smith,  A.  H.  Chinese  Characteristics.    New  York,  1894. 
Smith,  A.  H.  Village  Life  in  China.  New  York,  1899. 
Wheeler,  W.  R.  China  and  the  World  War.    The  Macmillan 

Company,  New  York,  1919. 

Williams,  S.  W.    The  Middle  Kingdom.    New  York,  1899. 
Asia.     The   monthly  publication  of  the  American  Asiatic 

Association. 

136 


ORIENTAL  NATIONS 

2.  JAPAN 

THE  purpose  of  this  study  should  be  to  give  a  clear 
and  unbiased  picture  of  Japan's  chief  characteristics, 
problems,  and  policies  and  of  her  relations  with  the 
United  States.  In  these  days  when  Japan  is  so  gen- 
erally maligned,  especially  in  America,  it  becomes 
necessary,  if  the  peace  of  the  world  is  to  be  main- 
tained and  justice  done,  that  our  students  know  her 
as  she  really  is,  both  her  bad  and  her  good  points. 
The  attitude  of  the  teacher  should  be  neither  pro- 
Japanese  nor  anti- Japanese,  but  to  find  and  impart 
the  truth.  In  light  of  the  prejudices  in  this  country, 
if  there  is  to  be  error,  it  is  probably  better  that  it  be 
in  favor  of,  rather  than  against,  Japan. 

The  outline  needs  no  comments.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that  all  teachers  before  going  to  the  class  will  have 
read  carefully  Latourette,  The  Development  of  Japan, 
International  Conciliation  Pamphlet  No.  124,  and 
Treat,  Japan,  America,  and  the  World  War.  These 
ought  to  furnish  a  sufficient  foundation  for  all  the 
work  contemplated  by  this  outline.  It  is  suggested 
that  where  possible  the  student  be  given  assignments 
in  this  book  and  these  pamphlets.  Several  copies 
of  each  may  be  obtained  and  put  on  the  reserve  shelf. 
Where  the  library  has  enough  other  material,  a  book 
can  be  assigned  to  each  pupil  for  a  written  or  oral 
report. 


137 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

JAPAN 

Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 

I.  The  advisability  of  Americans  studying  Japan.    There  is 
much  misunderstanding  and  prejudice  and  anti- Japanese 
rumors  are  rife.    Our  press  is  for  the  most  part  intensely 
biased  and  our  citizens  need  to  know  the  facts  and  study 
them  in  a  fair-minded  manner. 
II.  Outstanding  features  of  the  Japan  of  to-day, 
i.  Geography. 

a.  The  main  component  parts  of  the  Japanese 
Empire. 

(1)  Islands:  (area  about  the  size  of  Cali- 
fornia) the  Kuriles,  south  half  of  Sak- 
halin,    Hokkaido,     Hondo,     Shikoku, 
Kyushu,   the    Ryu   Kyu   group,   and 
Formosa. 

(2)  On    the    continent:    Chosen    (Korea), 
leased  territory  and  railways  in  Man- 
churia, and  temporary  possession  of  the 
former    German    leased    properties   in 
Shantung  Province. 

b.  Effects  of  Japan's  insularity:  a  strong  spirit  of 
nationalism,  sea  power,  and  the  command  of 
the  ocean  approaches  to  the  East  coast  of  Asia. 

c.  The  close  cultural  relation  with  the  mainland. 
In  early  times  the  continent  was  the  source  of 
Japanese  civilization;  to-day  Japan  is  helping 
to  teach  the  more  backward  continent. 

d.  The  natural  resources  of  the  islands.     The 
arable  land  is  limited  and  there  is  little  iron  and 
not  a  great  deal  of  coal  of  good  quality.    The 
population  is  growing,  and  it  must  either  emi- 
grate to  less  crowded  quarters  of  the  globe,  or  it 
must  be  occupied  with  manufactures  and  com- 
merce.   If  the  latter,  both  a  source  of  abun- 

138 


ORIENTAL  NATIONS 

dant  raw  materials  and  an  ample  market  must 
be  found.  This  situation  largely  accounts  for 
Japan's  intense  desire  to  develop  close  relations 
with  China  and  to  maintain  there  an  open  door 
for  her  trade.  In  China  are  to  be  found  mar- 
kets and  quantities  of  coal,  iron,  foodstuffs, 
and  other  commodities  which  are  needed  for 
Japanese  industry. 

Latourette,    The    Development    of   Japan, 
chap.  i. 

2.  National  characteristics. 

a.  The  prominence  of  the  emperor.    He  is  held 
to  be  descended  from  the  gods  and  his  house 
has  ruled  "from  ages  eternal."    All  the  gov- 
ernment is  carried  on  in  his  name  and  he  is  in 
theory  absolute  and  is  revered  as  divine. 

b.  The  importance  of  the  military  spirit  and 
classes.    The  army  and  navy  are  very  strong, 
there  is  compulsory  military  service,  and  the 
state  is  largely  dominated  by  classes  which  are 
primarily  military  in  their  traditions  and  out- 
look. 

The  Elder  Statesman  and  the  Bureaucracy. 
Latourette,  The  Development  of  Japan,  pp. 
80-85. 

c.  The  presence  of  constitutional  government: 
a  Diet,  the  lower  house  of  which  is  elective, 
a  cabinet  (not  responsible  to  the  Diet,  how- 
ever), and  the  growth  of  democratic  ideals. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  Japan,  pp. 
138-47,  210-15. 

d.  Intense  patriotism,  amounting  to  a  religion. 

e.  Very  great  sensitiveness  on  points  of  national 
and  personal  honor  and  resentment  of  any 
slights  by  Occidental  nations,  as,  for  example, 
the  treatment  of  Japanese  in  California  and 

139 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

the  question  of  race  equality  in  the  League  of 
Nations. 

f .  Social  and  economic  solidarity. 

(1)  In  the  family.     This  and  not  the  indi- 
vidual is  the  unit  far  more  than  in  the 
West. 

(2)  In  the  nation.     The  people  are  accus- 
tomed to  having  the  government  take 
the  lead   in   all   sorts   of   enterprises, 
economic,    educational,    political,   and 
moral. 

g.  High  store  is  set  by  politeness  and  good  form. 
h.  A  love  of  the  beautiful. 

i.  Ability  and  willingness  to  adopt  and  adapt 
ideals,  methods,  and  institutions  from  other 
peoples. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  Japan,  pp. 

85-96. 

3.  The  rapid  growth   of  industry,   commerce,   and 
wealth  in  the  past  few  years.     Japan,  however,  is 
still  a  poor  country. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  Japan,  pp.  215- 
18. 

4.  The  religions  of  Japan. 

a.  Shinto,  the  old  native  faith,  is  primarily  one  of 
reverence  for  spirits,  ancestors,  the  nation,  and 
the  imperial  house. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  Japan,  pp. 
17,  18,  96-98. 

b.  Buddhism,   a   faith  of  Indian   origin   which 
came  to  Japan  by  way  of  China  and  Korea: 
It  is  very  prominent,  and  has  many  temples 
and  priests  and  is  divided  into  numbers  of 
sects. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  Japan,  pp. 

21,  22,  24-26,  98,  99,  221. 

140 


ORIENTAL  NATIONS 

c.  Confucianism.    This  cult,  of  Chinese  origin, 
has  probably  affected  Japanese  ethical  stand- 
ards. 

Latourette,    The   Development   of  Japan, 
PP-  75,  76,  ioo. 

d.  Christianity,   while   influential,    still   suffers 
from  the  opprobrium  visited  upon  it  when 
it  was  stamped  out  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  Japan,  pp. 

59,  70-73,  162,  222.^ 

c.  Bushido,  while  not  a  distinct  religion,  as  a  code 
of  conduct  deserves  especial  mention  at  this 
point.     It  developed  during  feudal  days  and 
corresponds    to    European    chivalry.      Like 
chivalry,  moreover,  it  has  continued  to  influ- 
ence the  nation  long  after  the  social  conditions 
which  gave  it  birth  have  passed  away. 
Latourette,  The  Development  of  Japan,  pp. 
100-02. 

5.  Widespread  intelligence  through  universal  educa- 

tion and  the  growth  of  the  printing  press. 
Latourette,  The  Development  of  Japan,  pp.  i6it 
218-20. 

6.  Japan  is  to-day  one  of  the  most  influential  nations 
of  the  globe  and  is  the  dominant  power  in  Eastern 
Asia. 

III.  How  Japan  came  to  be:  Japan  before  the  coming  of  the 
Westerner  (to  1853). 

i.  The  formation  of  the  primitive  Japanese  state  to 
the  sixth  century  A.D. 

a.  The  reputed  divine  origin  of  the  race  and  par- 
ticularly of  the  imperial  house. 

b.  The  establishment  of  a  kingdom  in  what  is 
now  South  Japan  with  its  headquarters  in  the 
Yamato  promontory. 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

c.  Nearly  constant  fighting  with  aborigines. 

d.  Very  simple  culture. 

Latourette,    The    Development    of  Japan, 
chap.  2. 

2.  The  transformation  of  Japan  by  the  introduction 
of  Buddhism  and  Chinese  culture  in  the  sixth  and 
seventh  centuries  of  our  era.      Contact  through 
succeeding  centuries  tended  frequently  to  modify 
Japan. 

a.  Religious    transformation:    the    introduction 
and  adoption  of  Buddhism.    This  brought  with 
it  much  of  continental  culture,  much  as  Chris- 
tianity brought  to  Northern  Europe  the  civi- 
lization of  the  Roman  world. 

b.  Intellectual  transformation:  the  Chinese  char- 
acter was  introduced,  and  by  it  the  Japanese 
language  was  for  the  first  time  put  into  writ- 
ten form  and  a  literature  developed.    Japa- 
nese is  to-day  written  by  Chinese  characters 
and  modifications  of  those  characters.     Chi- 
nese literature  came  in  and  a  Japanese  litera- 
ture grew  up. 

c.  Political  transformation. 

(1)  The  emperor  was  exalted. 

(2)  A  bureaucracy  was  organized  on    the 
Chinese  model. 

(3)  The  capital  was  fixed,  first  at  Nara  and 
then  at  Kyoto,  and  these  cities  were  laid 
out  on  the  model  of  the  Chinese  capital. 

(4)  The  land  was  all  nationalized  and  was 
to  be  redistributed  periodically. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  Japan, 
chap.  3. 

3.  The  growth  of  feudalism  and  the  domination  of  the 
state  by  the  military  class. 

a.  The  decay  of  the  political  institutions  derived 

142 


ORIENTAL  NATIONS 

from  China  led  to  the  impotence  of  the  em- 
peror and  his  court,  the  rise  of  a  system  resem- 
bling European  feudalism,  and  the  transfer  of 
power  to  a  new  military  class. 

b.  Rival  families  of  this  military  class  fought  for 
power  and  the  representative  of  one  of  these 
organized  the  shogunate,  a  form  of  government 
by  which  the  various  warrior  families  domi- 
nated the  state  from  1192  to  1867. 

This  made  the  civilization  of  the  old  Japan 
predominantly  military  and  left  that  spirit  as 
a  legacy  to  the  nation  of  to-day. 

c.  The  imperial  house  did  not  disappear,  but 
while  it  was  usually  powerless  in  practice,  in 
theory  it  remained  supreme  and  the  source  of 
all  authority. 

d.  One  of  the  military  families,  the  Tokugawa, 
which  held  the  shogunate  from  1603  to  1868, 
in  order  to  preserve  internal  peace  and  unity 
excluded  foreigners  and  foreign  trade  and  kept 
the  nation  all  but  hermetically  sealed  against 
the  West. 

Latourette,    The    Development    of   Japan, 
chaps.  4  and  5. 

IV.  How  Japan  came  to  be:  since  the  coming  of  the  Westerner 
(1853-1919). 

i.  The  opening  of  Japan  by  the  United  States  through 
Commodore  Perry  (1853)  and  the  beginning  of 
intercourse  and  treaty  relations  with  the  Occi- 
dent. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  Japan,  chap.  7. 
2.  The   period   of   complete  internal   transformation 
which  resulted  from  the  coming  of  the  Westerners 
(1853-94). 
a.  Political  transformation. 

(i)  The  abolition  of  the  shogunate  and  the 

143 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

restoration  of  the  emperor  to  actual 
power  (1867). 

(2)  The  voluntary  surrender  of  the  power 
of  the  feudal  lords  to  the  emperor  and 
the  end  of  the  feudal  system  (1871). 

(3)  The  removal  of  the  capital  from  Kyoto 
to  Tokyo. 

(4)  The  substitution  of  a  national  army 
based  on  universal  service  for  the  old 
feudal  army  open  only  to  members  of 
the  military  class. 

(5)  A  new  code  of  laws. 

(6)  The  official  removal  of  the  old  class 
distinctions,  although  these  continued 
to  exist  in  practice. 

(7)  A  new  national  currency  and  banking 
system,  a  national  postal  and  telegraph 
service. 

(8)  The  leadership  of  the  government  in 
all  the  reform  movements. 

(9)  The  introduction  of  a  constitutional 
form  of  government  (1890)  and  the  rise 
of   parties  prepared   the  way   for  a 
democracy  which  is  not  yet  realized 
except  in  a  rudimentary  way. 

(10)  The  nation  was  under  the  partial  tute- 
lage of  foreigners. 

(a)  Its  tariff  was  fixed  by  treaties. 

(b)  Foreigners  were  not  subject  to 
Japanese  laws  (exterritoriality). 

Latourette,  The  Development 
of  Japan,  chap.  8. 

b.  Economic  changes.  Introduction  of  railways, 
machinery,  a  modern  banking  system,  and  new 
methods  of  agriculture,  and  the  beginnings  of 
commerce  and  a  merchant  marine. 

144 


ORIENTAL  NATIONS 

c.  Intellectual  changes. 

(1)  The   introduction   of    modern   schools 
from  the  primary  to  the  university  and 
the  institution  of  compulsory  elemen- 
tary education. 

(2)  The  coming  in  of  Western  ideas  and 
books  and  the  rise  of  the  newspaper. 

d.  The  reintroduction  of  Christianity  and  the 
revival  of  Shinto. 

Latourette,    The    Development    of   Japan, 
chap.  9. 

3.  Japan  becomes  a  world  power  (1894-1919). 

a.  The  Chino- Japanese  war  (1894-95)  in  which 
Japan  defeated  China,  became  the  dominant 
power    in    Korea,    and    acquired    Formosa. 
Partly  as  a  result  the  powers  abolished  exter- 
ritoriality and  restored  to  Japan  full  tariff 
autonomy. 

Latourette,  The  Development  of  Japan,  pp. 
164-69. 

b.  Japan  helped  the  Occidental  nations  in  the 
suppression  of  the  Boxer  uprising  in  China 
(1900). 

Latourette,  The  Development  ofJapan,p.  172. 

c.  Japan  became  the  ally  of  Great  Britain  in  the 
Far  East  (1902). 

d.  Japan  checked  Russian  aggression  in  China  by 
the  Russo-Japanese  War  (1904-05)  and  as  a 
result    acquired    an    extensive    foothold    in 
Southern    Manchuria    and    annexed    Korea 
(1910). 

e.  Japan  entered  the  Great  War  in  1914- 

•  (i)  She  helped  drive  the  Germans  out  of  the 
Pacific  and  captured  their  holdings 
north  of  the  equator  and  in  China 
(Shantung). 

145 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

(2)  She  supplied  the  Allies,  especially  Russia, 
with  munitions. 

(3)  She  made  extensive  demands  on  China 
(1915)  and  made  further  arrangements 
in  1918.    Her  object  was  so  to  insure  to 
herself  an  open  door  to  the  markets  and 
resources  of  China  that  these  could  not 
be  closed  to  her  by  Occidental  Powers 
after  the  war  had  ended.     In  doing  this 
she  aroused  grave  fears  and  bitter  ani- 
mosities in  China  and  serious  suspicions 
in  Europe  and  America. 

(4)  She  joined  with  the  United  States  in  send- 
ing a  force  to  restore  order  and  assist 
the  Czecho-Slovaks  in  Eastern  Siberia. 

(5)  At  the  Peace  Conference  at  Paris  she 
was  one  of  the  five  major  powers,  and 
has  a  similar  position  in  the  projected 
League  of  Nations. 

(6)  At  the  Peace  Conference,  too,  she  stood 
solidly  against  the  Chinese  demands  for 
the  immediate  return  to  China  of  the 
former  German  properties  in  Shantung 
and    the    cancellation    of    the    Chino- 
Japanese  agreement  of  1915. 

Internal  changes,  1894-1919. 

a.  An  immense  growth  in  population,  commerce, 
industry,  and  wealth,  especially  since  1914. 

b.  An  undercurrent  of  unrest  and  a  greater  tend- 
ency toward  liberalism  and  democracy. 

c.  A  continuation  of  party  struggles  which  are 
tending  to  give  the  Diet  a  certain  control  over 
the  Cabinet. 

Latourette,    The    Development    of   Japan, 

chaps.  10,  n,  12. 
Treat,  Japan,  America,  and  the  Great  War. 

146 


ORIENTAL  NATIONS 

V.  Japanese-American  relations. 

1.  A  period  of  friendship,  1853-1905. 

a.  America  had  as  a  rule  treated  Japan  with  fair- 
ness and  even  generosity. 

b.  Japan  sent  many  students  to  the  United  States 
to  be  educated  and  looked  upon  America  as  a 
kind  of  big  brother. 

2.  The  period  of  mutual  distrust,  1905-19. 

a.  Causes  of  distrust. 

(1)  Japanese  immigration    to    the    United 
States.    This  was  voluntarily  restricted 
by  Japan  in  the  "Gentlemen's  Agree- 
ment" (1907),  but  Japanese  cannot  be 
naturalized    and    California    in    1912 
passed    legislation    especially    directed 
against  them.    The  Japanese  resent  this 
policy  and  the  prejudice  which  precluded 
their  free  immigration. 

(2)  Fear  that  Japan  will  violate  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  and  that  she  has  designs  on  the 
Philippines  and  Hawaii.     So  far  these 
fears  are  groundless. 

(3)  Japanese   commercial   growth   on   the 
Pacific.    This  is  a  minor  cause. 

(4)  Americans  distrust  Japanese  policies  in 
China.     Many  of  our  countrymen  be- 
lieve her  to  have  designs  against  Chi- 
nese independence  and  the  doctrine  of 
the  Open  Door. 

Many  Japanese,  on  the  other  hand,  re- 
sent America's  interference  with  Japan's 
policies  in  China,  are  jealous  of  her 
popularity  and  influence,  and  fear  that 
she  may  later  become  the  aggressor  in 
that  country. 

147 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

This  at  present  is  the  chief  source  of 
serious  friction. 
b.  Efforts  to  allay  distrust. 

These  have  been  many.  They  include 
missions  from  Japan  to  America  and  from 
America  to  Japan,  societies  in  this  country 
to  further  a  better  understanding  with 
Japan,  various  formal  exchanges  of  notes, 
and  particularly  the  Lansing-lshii  agree- 
ment of  1917. 

3.  The  necessity  for  a  better  understanding  between 
the  two  peoples. 
Latourette,  The  Development  of  Japant  pp.  200- 

09. 
Latourette,  International  Conciliation  Pamphlet 

No.  124. 
Treat,  Japan,  America,  and  the  Great  War. 

A  Selected  Bibliography 

Only  the  books  are  here  given  which  are  apt  to  be  found  in 
libraries  of  average  size  and  which  are  as  well  adapted  to  high- 
school  pupils. 

Abbott,  J.  T.,  Japanese  Expansion  and  American  Policies. 

New  York,  1916. 

Asakawa,  K.,  The  Russo-Japanese  Conflict.    Boston,  1904. 
Brinkley,  F.,  A  History  of  the  Japanese  People.    New  York, 


Brinkley,  F.,  Japan,  Its  History,  Arts,  and  Literature.    8  vols. 

Boston  and  Tokyo,  1901-1902. 
Griffis,  W.  E.,  The   Mikado's  Empire.     New  York,  1913. 

(i2th  edition.)     2  vols. 
Gulick,  S.  L.,  The  American  Japanese  Problem.    New  York, 

1914. 

Gulick,  S.  L.,  The  Evolution  of  the  Japanese.  New  York,  1905. 
Hayashi,  Count  T.,  For  His  People. 

148 


ORIENTAL  NATIONS 

Hearn,  L.,  Japan,  An  Attempt  at  Interpretation.  New  York, 
1904. 

Hornbeck,  S.  K.,  Contemporary  Politics  in  the  Far  East.  New 
York,  1916. 

International  Conciliation  Pamphlet  No.  124.  Japan's  Rela- 
tions to  the  United  States.  (American  Association  for 
International  Conciliation,  New  York  City.) 

Latourette,  K.  S.,  The  Development  of  Japan.  New  York, 
1918. 

Longford,  J.  H.,  The  Story  of  Old  Japan. 

Millard,  T.  F.,  Our  Eastern  Question.    New  York,  1916. 

Millis,  H.  A.,  The  Japanese  Problem  in  the  United  States.  New 
York,  1915. 

Mitford,  A.  B.  F.,  Tales  of  Old  Japan.    2  vols.    London,  1871. 

Mitford,  E.  B.,  Japan's  Inheritance.    New  York,  1914. 

Nitobe,  L,  Bushidoj  The  Soul  of  Japan.    New  York,  1905. 

Nitobe,  L,  The  Japanese  Nation.    New  York,  1912. 

Reinsch,  P.  S.,  Intellectual  and  Political  Currents  in  the  Far 
East.  Boston,  1911. 

Treat,  J.  P.,  Japan,  America,  and  the  World  War.  Boston, 
World  Peace  Foundation.  December,  1918. 

Asia.  The  Journal  of  the  American  Asiatic  Association. 
280  Madison  Ave.,  New  York. 


IV 
A  NATION  IN  THE  MAKING 

THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS 

THE  Filipinos  are  a  nation  in  the  making.  To  the 
student  of  nationality  they  offer  a  veritable  labora- 
tory of  nation-building.  Here  one  may  observe  even 
those  earlier  stages  of  national  growth  which  have 
long  since  been  lost  to  sight  in  the  experience  of  older 
nations.  Almost  within  the  lifetime  of  high-school 
pupils  these  people  have  passed  from  the  medieval 
forms  of  society  to  those  of  the  twentieth  century, 
compressing  into  a  few  short  years  changes  which  in 
Europe  have  only  come  with  generations  of  effort. 
To-day,  if  the  entire  population  of  the  islands  be 
taken  into  account,  they  illustrate  almost  every 
grade  of  political  and  social  condition  from  the  most 
primitive  to  the  most  highly  organized. 

To  the  American  the  interest  of  the  study  is  two- 
fold, since  this  rapid  transformation  in  the  outward 
circumstances  of  Philippine  life  is  largely  due  to  the 
fact  that  the  islands  are  an  experiment  station  in  the 
science  of  colonial  administration  as  well  as  a  labora- 
tory of  nationality.  The  American  rulers  of  this 
region  have  consciously  directed  their  efforts  towards 

150 


A  NATION  IN  THE  MAKING 

governing  a  dependency  and  building  a  nation  at 
one  and  the  same  time.  This  dual  character  gives 
to  recent  Philippine  history  its  peculiar  value. 

Yet,  since  even  these  remote  islands  in  the  Pacific 
are  not  outside  the  bounds  of  party  conflict,  one  who 
would  avoid  error  in  teaching  the  subject  must  walk 
warily.  Much  of  the  literature  on  the  Philippines 
is  controversial  in  character.  The  true  meaning  of 
events  is  obscured  by  conflicting  accounts.  Even  the 
virtues  and  vices  of  the  "little  brown  brother"  are 
mixed  in  widely  varying  proportions  according  to  the 
personal  predilections  of  his  observer.  If  time  per- 
mitted and  pupils  were  sufficiently  mature,  this  sub- 
ject would  be  an  excellent  training  ground  for  exer- 
cise in  the  elements  of  historical  criticism.  Certainly 
no  better  chance  to  practice  the  weighing  of  evidence 
need  be  desired.  In  most  high  schools,  however, 
circumstances  will  permit  the  teacher  alone  to  make 
use  of  this  opportunity  to  develop  the  critical  faculty. 

Fortunately,  the  questions  most  open  to  contro- 
versy are  precisely  those  least  essential  to  the  pur- 
poses of  this  study.  The  student  of  nations  is  not 
called  upon  to  pass  judgment  on  the  wisdom  and 
righteousness  of  the  conquest  of  the  Philippines  by 
the  United  States,  nor  need  he  set  the  proper  date  for 
Philippine  independence.  It  is  not  his  to  decide 
whether  the  possession  of  the  islands  is  an  element  of 
strength  or  of  weakness  in  our  military  position  in 
the  East.  The  potential  worth  of  the  Filipinos  as  a 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

nation  and  the  processes  contributing  to  the  develop- 
ment of  their  national  life  are  the  proper  subject  for 
his  inquiry.  In  that  direction  alone  he  will  find 
ample  scope  for  his  activities,  without  entering  into 
the  vexed  questions  of  statesmanship. 

A  good  introductory  topic  for  the  youthful  student 
is  to  be  found  in  the  geographic  and  economic  setting 
of  Philippine  life.  This  group  of  islands  for  whose 
exploration  the  adventurous  Magellan  gave  up  his 
life,  afford  a  welcome  relief  from  the  humdrum  ex- 
igence of  every  day.  Here  even  the  view  of  the 
schoolhouse  may  be  mitigated  by  palms  and  tropical 
vegetation.  Farming  operations  all  too  familiar  at 
home  take  on  the  charm  of  the  unusual  when  con- 
ducted with  the  aid  of  a  carabao  instead  of  a  horse. 
In  this  land  people  may  be  seen  cooking  gold  fishes 
for  supper,  and  the  fruits  of  toil  may  take  the  delec- 
table form  of  bananas  or  cocoanuts.  Pearl  fishing  and 
sponge  fishing  raise  visions  of  delight  not  to  be 
dimmed  by  the  possibility  of  typhoons,  or  crocodiles 
or  sharks.  The  lure  of  the  tropics  is  potent,  even 
when  its  only  medium  is  the  imagination. 

The  historical  interest  in  the  Philippines  begins  for 
the  American  with  Commodore  Dewey's  exploit  in 
Manila  Bay.  Before  that  event  the  islands  were  held 
in  subjection  like  eighteenth-century  colonies.  Since 
the  Spanish- American  war,  with  the  subsequent  pur- 
chase of  the  islands  by  the  United  States,  they  have 
been  a  'prentice  nation,  still  bound  in  tutelage  to  an 

152 


A  NATION  IN  THE  MAKING 

older  power,  but  now  definitely  committed  to  the 
task  of  gaining  proficiency  in  all  that  pertains  to  the 
"art  and  mystery"  of  self-government.  Their  his- 
tory for  the  last  twenty  years  is  the  story  of  their 
progress  in  that  task. 

It  may  be  well  to  begin  the  study  of  Philippine  life 
with  a  brief  survey  of  the  non-Christian  tribes. 
Thanks  to  the  zeal  of  Professor  Dean  Worcester  and 
others,  material  is  abundant  for  the  study  of  these 
picturesque  people.  By  a  comparison  of  their  cus- 
toms with  those  of  the  more  advanced  nations  the 
students  may  come  to  some  appreciation  of  the  long 
road  their  fathers  have  traveled  in  the  acquisition  of 
the  arts  of  civilization.  It  may  be  worth  while  to 
make  parallel  studies  of  the  methods  of  satisfying  the 
primal  necessities  of  food,  clothing,  and  shelter  which 
prevail  under  primitive  tribal  conditions  and  the 
ways  of  meeting  the  same  needs  to-day.  A  similar 
comparison  of  the  organization  of  community  life  at 
various  periods  may  be  made  fruitful  of  results.  The 
utmost  care  should  be  taken,  however,  to  have  it 
definitely  understood  that  these  backward  tribes  no 
more  represent  the  typical  civilization  of  the  Philip- 
pines than  the  American  Indians  represent  the  civili- 
zation of  the  United  States.  Both  in  their  virtues 
and  their  vices  the  primitive  people  are  a  class  apart, 
although  they  are  now  rapidly  responding  to  the 
educational  influences  at  work  among  them.  The 
representative  Filipinos  are  the  Christian  people  who 

153 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

form  the  great  bulk  of  the  population.  They  must 
be  the  chief  constituent  of  the  nation  that  is  to  be. 
To  them  the  major  part  of  the  study  must  be  di- 
rected. 

For  a  clear  understanding  of  the  significance  of 
each  step  in  the  progress  of  these  Filipinos  there  is 
need  of  a  preliminary  survey  of  their  condition  before 
they  felt  the  influence  of  American  overlordship.  It 
will  be  seen  that  the  preceding  centuries  had  already 
taught  them  much.  It  will  also  be  evident  that  they 
still  lacked  many  essentials  for  a  self-governing  com- 
monwealth. As  part  of  the  legacy  from  pre- Ameri- 
can days  we  may  remark  upon  the  traces  of  Chinese 
influence  still  discernible  in  the  Philippine  habit  of 
thought.  Even  more  in  evidence  are  the  results  of 
the  experience  of  several  centuries  in  Western  Chris- 
tianity. Due  recognition  must  be  given  to  the  work 
of  the  Spanish  priests  in  establishing  a  community  of 
language  and  ideals  among  the  educated  minority. 
Equally  noteworthy  is  the  racial  and  religious  unity 
among  the  Christian  tribes.  This  may  be  regarded 
as  a  hopeful  foundation  on  which  to  build  national 
unity.  Likewise  the  freedom  from  a  caste  system  or 
from  a  hereditary  nobility  may  be  accepted  as  paving 
the  way  for  genuine  social  democracy. 

At  the  same  time  emphasis  must  be  laid  upon  the 
fact  that  the  best  fruits  of  civilization,  knowledge  and 
power,  were  under  the  Spanish  regime  reserved  to  the 
few,  while  ignorance  and  blind  obedience  were  as  yet 

154 


A  NATION  IN  THE  MAKING 

the  lot  of  the  many.  The  masses  had  no  experience 
in  self-government,  the  governing  class  had  no  backing 
from  an  intelligent  public  opinion.  Other  important 
features  of  their  condition  were  the  close  union  of 
Church  and  State,  the  lack  of  a  common  language,  the 
almost  entire  lack  of  any  literature  save  that  of  devo- 
tion. A  little  class  discussion  will  make  clear  the  evils 
of  these  conditions  in  a  state  that  is  to  govern  itself. 

In  connection  with  these  political  drawbacks  may 
be  considered  the  economic  backwardness  of  the 
country.  In  Philippine  industrial  conditions  the 
student  will  find  reminders  of  the  days  before  the 
Industrial  Revolution  in  Europe.  This  is  an  agri- 
cultural country  and  in  that  respect  resembles  the 
American  colonies  before  the  Revolution.  The 
country  boy  familiar  with  the  ways  of  farmers  will 
be  carried  back  in  thought  to  the  days  of  his  fore- 
fathers before  agricultural  machinery  was  invented. 
He  can  readily  appreciate  the  hindrances  to  progress 
involved  in  ignorance  of  the  natural  sources  of  wealth, 
inadequate  means  of  communication,  defective  cur- 
rency, and  lack  of  steady  habits  of  industry. 

Familiarity  with  American  colonial  history,  too, 
will  enable  the  pupil  to  appreciate  the  importance  of 
the  Philippine  insurrections  against  Spain  and  the 
United  States  as  a  step  toward  national  unity.  Just 
as  the  Revolutionary  War  in  America  welded  the 
thirteen  colonies  into  a  new  degree  of  unity,  so  the 
solidarity  of  effort  put  forth  by  the  Filipinos  in  the 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

attempt  to  establish  their  liberties  tended  to  create 
new  bonds  of  union.  The  fact  that  this  sentiment 
was  turned  at  last  against  the  United  States  does 
not  alter  its  significance. 

As  an  expression  of  the  spirit  in  which  the  United 
States  undertook  the  task  of  colonial  administration 
pupils  should  read  President  McKinley's  instructions 
to  the  Taft  Commission.  The  high  standard  of  dis- 
interestedness set  by  that  document  should  be  held  as 
an  ideal  by  every  future  citizen  of  the  United  States. 
Its  unique  character  gains  in  impressiveness  if  it  be 
compared  with  eighteenth-century  ideas  of  colonial 
government,  or  indeed  with  much  of  the  colonial 
theory  and  practice  of  the  twentieth  century.  In 
supplement  to  this  original  definition  of  policy  the 
utterances  of  President  Taft  and  President  Wilson 
on  the  Philippines  should  also  be  given  attention.1 

After  the  United  States  took  possession  of  the 
islands  the  first  specific  task  of  the  government  was 
to  give  to  life  in  the  Philippines  the  safeguards  com- 
mon in  other  civilized  communities.  An  interesting 
study  may  be  made  of  the  sanitary  reforms  promptly 
instituted:  of  the  successful  control  of  tropical  dis- 
eases, and  the  establishment  of  up-to-date  hospital 
and  medical  service,  including  the  model  leper  col- 
ony. In  like  manner  the  measures  taken  to  insure 
public  order  by  the  work  of  the  constabulary  and  by 

1  Kalaw,  Maximo  N.:  The  Case  for  the  FUipinos,  Appendices 
B,  C,  D,  and  F.  12. 

156 


A  NATION  IN  THE  MAKING 

the  use  of  model  penal  institutions  are  a  valuable 
object  lesson  to  the  student,  as  to  the  Filipino. 

Yet  these  undertakings  were  merely  preliminaries. 
They  were  not  the  chief  consideration  of  the  authori- 
ties. As  one  of  those  who  took  part  in  the  work  has 
explained:  "All  the  external  and  visible  work  of  the 
government  has  been  subordinated  to  the  purpose  of 
creating  in  the  Filipinos  a  consciousness  of  race  unity, 
a  sense  of  nationality  and  capacity  for  self-govern- 
ment." 1  In  the  pursuit  of  this  triple  aim  it  was  dis- 
covered, as  it  has  recently  been  discovered  in  the 
United  States,  that  "all  problems  of  reconstruction 
resolve  themselves  into  problems  of  education."  As 
successive  problems  in  education  then,  the  history  of 
the  Philippines  under  American  rule  may  be  studied. 
It  seems  a  subject  made  expressly  for  the  so-called 
problem  method  of  history  study. 

That  the  underlying  purpose  of  the  government 
was  to  nationalize  the  Filipino  becomes  evident 
when  we  note  the  attitude  adopted  toward  all  forms 
of  local  patriotism.  The  use  of  Philippine  material  in 
the  schools  wherever  possible  and  especially  the  uni- 
form encouragement  given  to  the  popular  adulation 
for  the  Filipino  hero,  Jose  Rizal,  are  striking  instances 
in  point.  Classes  will  do  well  to  read  RizaPs  poem, 
"My  Last  Thought"  2  written  just  before  his  execu- 

1  Elliott:  The  Philippines  to  the  End  of  the  Commission  Govern- 
ment, Preface. 

2  Kalaw,  Maximo  N.:  The  Case  for  the  Filipinos,  pp.  141-43. 
(Translation  of  "My  Last  Thought.") 

157 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

tion  by  the  Spaniards,  both  as  a  noble  expression  of 
passionate  love  of  country  and  as  an  example  of  the 
kind  of  sentiment  fostered  by  the  United  States  in  a 
dependency.  The  significance  of  this  policy  can  be 
made  clearer  by  contrast  with  the  German  denation- 
alizing policy  in  Alsace-Lorraine.  The  Germans 
aimed  to  destroy  all  local  sentiment,  the  Americans 
aim  to  encourage  devotion  to  a  local  hero  in  the  hope 
that  this  sentiment  will  crystallize  around  his  name 
until  it  becomes  a  genuine  nationalizing  force. 

The  pedagogical  method  adopted  by  the  govern- 
ment in  its  work  as  instructor  in  nationality  is  indi- 
cated in  the  watchword  already  familiar  to  teachers 
and  pupils:  " Learn  by  doing."  The  application  of 
this  formula  to  the  political,  social,  and  economic 
education  of  the  Filipino  is  the  guiding  thread  of 
Philippine  history  for  the  last  twenty  years.  The 
process  in  itself  is  interesting  to  watch.  It  becomes 
still  more  absorbing  as  a  subject  of  study  if  at  each 
step  the  question  is  asked:  "How  does  this  particular 
enterprise  tend  to  develop  'a  consciousness  of  race 
unity,  a  sense  of  nationality  and  a  capacity  for  self- 
government  '  ?  " 

Naturally  the  most  important  lesson  of  the  na- 
tives in  learning  by  doing  was  in  the  department  of 
civil  government.  The  American  rulers  almost  im- 
mediately put  to  the  test  of  experience  their  belief 
in  the  efficacy  of  self-government  as  an  educational 
agency.  Nowhere  else  in  history,  except  in  revolu- 

158 


A  NATION  IN  THE  MAKING 

tionary  times,  have  a  people  been  advanced  so  rap- 
idly as  were  the  Filipinos.  From  government  by 
commission  they  soon  moved  on  to  government  by 
commission  assisted  by  a  representative  assembly. 
Again  from  a  representative  assembly  with  an  upper 
house  responsible  to  outside  control,  it  was  but  a  step 
to  a  bi-cameral  legislature  in  which  both  houses  rep- 
resented the  people.  With  this  went  equally  rapid 
extension  of  the  franchise  and  Filipinization  of  the 
local  governments.  Pupils  will  see  that  this  rapid 
promotion  of  the  Filipino  to  a  position  of  responsibil- 
ity in  the  public  service  has  the  same  educational 
aim  as  the  early  naturalization  of  foreigners  in  the 
United  States. 

Yet  even  high-school  boys  and  girls  will  readily 
understand  that  the  most  democratic  forms  of  civil 
government  cannot  be  genuine  instruments  of  popu- 
lar will,  if  the  large  mass  of  the  people  in  the  state 
have  neither  the  opportunity  to  inform  themselves 
on  public  questions  nor  the  power  to  judge  of  their 
merits.  Those  who  have  studied  the  history  of  the 
Greek  city-states  will  have  at  hand  forcible  illustra- 
tions of  this  point.  They  will  be  quick  to  see  the 
necessity  in  the  Philippines  of  educating  a  stable  and 
intelligent  middle  class  in  order  to  save  the  masses 
from  the  political  exploitation  of  the  few.  They  will 
recognize  then  the  problem  with  which  the  govern- 
ment was  confronted,  namely,  how  best  to  develop 
an  enlightened  public  opinion.  They  ought  to  ap- 

159 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

predate  the  value  of  the  solution  adopted  to  meet 
the  problem,  —  the  free  public  school  as  a  training 
ground  for  democracy.  From  discussion  of  Ameri- 
canization problems  at  home  they  will  understand 
the  reason  for  the  requirement  of  the  study  of  English 
everywhere,  as  a  bond  of  union,  and  also  as  a  means 
of  entry  for  the  Filipino  into  the  treasury  of  Anglo- 
Saxon  democratic  thought.  School  lessons  in  his- 
tory and  the  duties  of  citizenship,  the  school  library  as 
an  encouragement  to  the  reading  habit,  —  these  are 
clearly  introduced  in  order  to  further  the  diffusion  of 
political  intelligence.  Similar  provisions  in  his  own 
school  will  have  for  the  pupil  added  significance,  as 
he  watches  the  application  of  these  familiar  agencies 
to  the  task  of  building  a  new  nation  in  the  Pacific. 

In  like  manner  all  branches  of  the  public  service 
may  be  studied  as  subdivisions  in  the  government's 
system  of  education  for  self-governing  citizenship. 
In  all  of  them  is  discernible  the  same  intent  to  hasten 
the  day  when  Filipinos  shall  hold,  not  merely  sub- 
ordinate positions,  but  those  requiring  powers  of 
leadership.  They  all  provide  both  object  lessons  and 
practice  work  for  the  years  of  apprenticeship  in 
nation-building. 

The  Department  of  Agriculture  and  Natural  Re- 
sources may  be  taken  as  an  illustration  of  the  method 
of  instruction.  Here  the  Bureaus  of  Agriculture  and 
Forestry  and  Science,  by  experiment  and  research, 
are  discovering  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Philippines 

1 60 


A  NATION  IN  THE  MAKING 

the  rich  sources  of  wealth  which  they  have  in  reserve, 
and  by  educational  campaigns  are  spreading  this 
knowledge  throughout  the  islands.  The  Bureau  of 
Agriculture,  for  instance,  a  group  made  up  as  largely 
as  possible  of  Filipinos,  devotes  itself  to  experiments 
in  farming  methods  suited  to  the  country.  Then,  by 
farm  settlements,  extension  work  with  lectures  and 
"  movies "  the  message  is  carried  to  remote  villages. 
Meantime  the  schools,  by  agricultural  instruction 
and  school  gardens,  are  preparing  the  younger  gener- 
ation to  teach  their  fathers.  Other  bureaus  of  this 
department  furnish  equally  good  illustrations  of  the 
educational  character  of  the  public  service,  and  of  the 
relation  of  the  public  school  to  the  need  of  the  com- 
munity. Since,  if  the  national  life  is  to  be  sound, 
economic  progress  and  political  progress  must  keep 
pace  with  each  other,  this  economic  education  is  a 
genuine  contribution  to  the  work  of  nationaliza- 
tion. 

Along  commercial  lines  the  procedure  has  been  the 
same.  The  government  has  first  improved  the  en- 
vironment, preparing  the  way  for  reconstruction  by 
providing  roads,  steamboat  lines  and  harbor  facilities. 
Then  the  schools  have  not  only  provided  the  army 
of  typists  and  stenographers  needed  for  the  clerical 
part  of  the  work,  they  have  given  specific  instruction 
in  the  grading  of  hemp  and  tobacco,  so  as  to  increase 
the  market  value  of  the  product.  In  the  last  year 
before  graduation  they  see  to  it  that  high-school 

161 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

pupils  are  well  informed  as  to  the  commercial  and 
industrial  opportunities  offered  by  their  country. 

In  this  connection,  if  reliable  evidence  were  obtain- 
able, it  would  be  interesting  to  make  a  comparison  of 
the  commercial  treatment  of  the  Philippines  by  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  with  the  treatment 
accorded  the  English  colonies  in  America  by  the 
British  Parliament.  The  Payne-Aldrich  Bill  and  the 
Underwood  Tariff  Act  are  of  course  available  for 
study,  but  what  is  needed  is  a  thorough  non-partisan 
discussion  of  the  government's  tariff  policy  as  it  has 
worked  in  actual  practice,  with  reference  both  to  the 
Philippines  and  to  the  commercial  interests  of  the 
United  States.  For  such  a  study  no  satisfactory 
material  exists  within  the  reach  of  pupils.  The 
teacher  must  be  content  to  point  with  pride  to  the 
increasing  commercial  prosperity  of  the  islands,  while 
at  the  same  time  quick  to  see  any  dangers  that  may 
exist  in  the  present  situation. 

In  the  furtherance  of  industrial  prosperity  the 
schools  are  seen  to  be  doing  constructive  work. 
This  is  especially  true  in  the  case  of  the  household 
industries  which  play  a  much  larger  part  in  the  Phil- 
ippines than  in  countries  which  have  developed  a 
factory  system.  Here,  as  in  France,  the  student  will 
observe  a  marked  degree  of  manual  dexterity.  And 
as  the  schools  in  France  were  seen  to  foster  with  great 
care  this  characteristic  of  their  national  genius,  so  in 
the  Philippines  the  natural  skill  in  fine  handicrafts 

162 


A  NATION  IN  THE  MAKING 

already  developed  by  the  natives  is  given  every  ad- 
vantage of  training.  The  schools  are  even  going  into 
business,  making  a  study  of  the  designs  most  salable, 
and  standardizing  the  work  of  the  schools  to  meet 
the  demands  of  foreign  markets.  Already  Philippine 
embroideries  are  almost  as  common  in  American 
shops  as  those  of  French  workmanship. 

Another  illustration  of  this  educational  policy 
which  is  interesting  to  students  of  fine  handicrafts 
is  the  instruction  in  basketry  given  in  the  public 
schools.  The  bulletin  of  the  Philippine  Board  of 
Education  dealing  with  this  subject  calls  attention 
to  the  bewildering  variety  of  grasses,  ferns,  and  fibrous 
plants  found  in  the  islands  which  yield  suitable  ma- 
terial for  basket  work,  indicates  the  various  ways  in 
which  these  resources  can  be  made  commercially 
valuable,  and  gives  specific  instructions  as  to  meth- 
ods of  work.  The  object  is  not  merely  to  provide 
children  with  a  livelihood.  The  director  of  education 
looks  further  into  the  economic  and  social  conditions 
which  the  public  school  ought  to  serve,  aiming  "to 
give  each  pupil  such  school  training  as  will  make  him, 
within  the  limits  of  his  capacities,  the  most  efficient 
producing  unit  possible,  in  the  broad  sense  of  pro- 
ducing the  knowledge  and  skill  needed  by  the  com- 
munity." 1  This  industrial  education  has  therefore  a 
very  real  part  in  the  work  of  nation-building. 

1  Marquardt,  W.  W.:  Eighteenth  Annual  Report  of  Director  of 
Education,  p.  46. 

163 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

These  illustrations  of  the  constructive  educational 
work  of  the  government  in  the  Philippines  may  be 
extended  almost  indefinitely.  Every  department  of 
the  public  service  may  be  studied  as  an  educational 
agency.  Every  one  is  seen  to  have  its  part  in  the 
construction  of  the  nation.  The  extent  to  which  the 
study  shall  be  carried  need  only  be  limited  by  the 
amount  of  available  time. 

In  considering  the  Philippines  the  question  of  par- 
amount importance  in  all  minds  is  this:  How  far  has 
the  experiment  in  nation-building  succeeded?  If 
the  subject  had  only  academic  interest,  one  would 
still  want  to  know  how  the  story  came  out.  But  now 
that  the  'prentice  nation  is  loudly  proclaiming  its 
proficiency  in  self-government,  and  demanding  its 
freedom  papers,  information  as  to  the  present  status 
of  the  Filipino  is  of  vital  interest.  Pupils  who  may 
be  called  upon  to  pass  judgment  on  this  matter  in 
the  years  to  come  should  know  at  least  the  kind  of 
evidence  to  be  taken  into  the  account. 

For  the  most  part  the  study  of  present  tendencies 
in  the  Philippines  must  be  based  upon  reports  of  con- 
ditions in  the  years  1915-17.  For  that  period  the  offi- 
cial publications  of  the  government  offer  some  guid- 
ance. From  them  we  may  judge,  at  least  tentatively, 
how  far  the  Filipino  has  advanced  to  a  position  of  mas- 
tery over  his  economic  resources,  and  more  impor- 
tant still,  how  far  he  has  learned  to  govern  himself  in 
accordance  with  the  interests  of  the  nation  as  a  whole. 

164 


A  NATION  IN  THE  MAKING 

There  are  many  indications  of  economic  progress. 
The  student  will  find  reason  to  believe  that  the  Fili- 
pino is  filling  more  and  more  the  important  places  in 
industries  conducted  along  modern  lines.  In  the 
lumber  trade,  for  example,  while  many  small  com- 
panies still  carry  on  the  work  in  primitive  fashion, 
there  are  also  large  concerns  with  fully  equipped  ma- 
chinery and  technical  service  in  which  all  but  the 
very  highest  places  are  filled  by  Filipinos.  Among 
recent  ventures  may  be  noted  also  the  establishment 
of  a  cement  mill  on  Filipino  initiative  and  with  native 
capital.  Another  promising  sign  is  the  increasing 
inclination  of  the  native  Filipino  who  has  money  to 
invest  to  seek  opportunities  at  home  rather  than  in 
foreign  countries.  That  the  industrial  unrest  com- 
mon to  the  rest  of  the  world  has  reached  the  islands 
is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  the  year  1917  saw  thirty- 
seven  strikes  in  the  city  of  Manila  alone.  That  most 
of  these  disturbances  were  easily  settled  by  a  reason- 
able increase  in  wages  would  seem  to  indicate  the 
same  general  upward  trend  of  labor  in  the  East  as  in 
the  West.  This  general  tendency,  as  it  shows  itself 
in  the  Philippines,  has  been  commented  on  by  one 
observer  as  follows:  "Wants  are  multiplying.  What 
was  good  enough  for  Juan's  father  is  not  good 
enough  for  Juan.  This  incentive  is  constituting  a 
large  factor  in  the  development  that  is  slowly  begin- 
ning to  appear.  Tobacco,  sugar,  Manila  hemp  and 
copra  are  increasingly  being  converted  into  the  real- 

165 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

ization  of  present  needs,  which  but  yesterday  were 
luxuries."  1 

Yet  pupils  must  not  jump  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  Filipino  is  already  completely  master  of  his  own 
economic  resources.  In  the  most  highly  organized 
industries  he  has  not  yet  reached  the  positions  of  the 
highest  responsibility,  although  he  is  rapidly  ap- 
proaching it.  In  certain  lines  he  is  still  outdistanced 
by  the  foreigner.  Thus  we  were  told  in  the  year  1916 
"the  best  business  men  are  the  Chinese"  and  "the 
Chinese  pay  the  largest  part  of  the  internal  revenue." 
The  same  observer  reported  "an  insistent  and  in- 
creasing inroad  of  Japanese  capital."  "Already,"  he 
says,  "  the  Japanese  control  much  of  the  fisheries  and 
the  pearl  fisheries,  and  have  entered  the  sugar  and 
lumber  fields  quite  extensively,  besides  other  indus- 
tries." l 

These  bits  of  testimony  are  not  offered  as  a  final 
summary  of  the  degree  of  economic  independence 
which  the  Filipino  has  achieved,  but  as  samples  of 
the  kind  of  evidence  which  must  be  given  considera- 
tion before  any  final  judgment  can  be  reached. 

The  same  judicial  method  must  be  employed  in 
gauging  the  present  political  development  of  the 
people.  Such  qualities  as  "consciousness  of  race 
unity,  sense  of  nationality  and  capacity  for  self-gov- 

1  Robertson,  James  Alexander:  "The  Philippines  since  the  Inaug- 
uration of  the  Philippine  Assembly";  in  American  Historical  Re- 
view, July,  1917,  pp.  826-28. 

166 


A  NATION  IN  THE  MAKING 

ernment "  may  not  easily  be  measured.  It  is  impossi- 
ble as  yet  to  say  exactly  how  far  the  Filipinos  have 
progressed  in  these  respects.  Mr.  James  A.  Rob- 
ertson, a  well-known  authority  on  the  Philippines, 
speaking  in  1916  before  the  American  Historical 
Association,  said:  "The  Filipino  politician  has  noth- 
ing to  learn  from  Americans.  He  knows  the  game. 
The  vital  question  is  whether  there  is  enough  of  that 
quality  that  may  be  termed  statesmanship  to  steer 
a  nation  safely  through  the  quicksands  and  over  the 
shoals  of  an  independent  government.  There  are 
some  indications  against  it,  but  there  are  on  the  other 
hand  a  few  men  who  have  reached  a  higher  level  than 
that  of  the  mere  politician.  The  opportunity  for  a 
fuller  testing  has  come  with  the  Jones  Act,  by  which 
the  Philippine  Commission  has  been  abolished  and 
an  elective  Philippine  Senate  erected  as  the  upper 
house  of  the  Philippine  Legislature.  There  must  be 
doubt,  however,  just  so  long  as  an  American  Gov- 
ernor General  has  the  last  word  over  legislation."  l 

This  cautious  opinion  may  now  be  supplemented 
by  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Maximo  N.  Kalaw  in  his 
recent  book,  Self -Government  in  the  Philippines,  in 
which  he  traces  the  progress  of  the  years  of  home 
rule  under  the  Jones  Act.  His  account  of  the  wisdom 
and  political  capacity  displayed  by  his  countrymen 
cannot  but  be  grateful  to  all  friends  of  the  Filipinos, 

1  "The  Philippines  since  the  Inauguration  of  the  Philippine 
Assembly";  in  American  Historical  Review,  July,  1917,  p.  830. 

167 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

whatever  their  political  opinions.  But  it  must  be 
remembered  that  this  is  strictly  ex  parte  testimony. 
Mr.  Kalaw  is  the  avowed  champion  of  Philippine 
independence  and  his  book  is  written  with  the  defi- 
nite intent  to  further  that  movement.  As  such  it 
must  be  somewhat  lacking  in  the  judicial  quality  of 
Mr.  Robertson's  treatment  of  the  subject. 

The  high-school  pupil  must  be  taught  to  recognize 
the  difference  between  these  two  kinds  of  evidence. 
He  will  find  the  process  distasteful,  for  he  is  naturally 
a  person  of  quick  decisions  and  definite  opinions. 
The  greater  is  the  need  therefore  to  impress  upon  him 
the  necessity  for  holding  his  opinion  in  abeyance. 

Nor  is  this  the  only  lesson  which  Philippine  history 
has  to  teach  him.  He  has  had  under  observation 
here  a  backward  people,  whom  he  must  judge,  as 
Mr.  Kingsley  has  said,  not  by  their  achievements, 
but  by  their  potential  value  to  the  world.  It  is  the 
study  of  formative  processes,  quite  different  from  the 
previous  work  in  which  he  has  been  dealing  with 
peoples  whose  national  type  was  already  fixed,  and 
whose  distinctive  national  genius  he  has  been  able  to 
recognize.  Its  intellectual  result  for  the  student 
should  be  a  better  understanding  of  the  forces  which 
make  for  progress  in  the  social  evolution  of  mankind. 
Its  ethical  reward  should  be  a  more  intelligent  sym- 
pathy with  "  all  sorts  and  conditions  of  men." 


168 


A  NATION  IN  THE  MAKING 

THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS 
Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 

A.  Geographic  Situation. 
Climate. 

Natural  resources. 

Position  with  reference  to  China  and  Japan. 
References: 
Miller  and  Storms,  Economic  Conditions  in  the  Philip- 


Wright,  A  Handbook  of  the  Philippines,  pp.  1-14. 

B.  Occupation  of  the  Philippines  by  the  United  States. 

The  Spanish-American  War. 
Purchase  of  the  Philippines  by  the  United  States. 
Suppression  of  the  insurrection  under  Aguinaldo. 
References:  Fernandez,  A  Brief  History  of  the  Philippines, 

pp.  240-73. 
Latane,  America  as  a  World  Power,  pp.  33-38,  69-99, 

153-54. 
Payne,  Colonies  of  the  World,  pp.  311-21. 

C.  The  Inhabitants  of  the  Philippines  at  the  End  of  the  Span- 

ish Regime. 
Races. 

Religious  condition. 
Varying  degrees  of  civilization. 

a.  The  wild  tribes. 

b.  The  Christian  Filipinos. 

Political  condition. 

Lack  of  unity. 

Lack  of  experience  in  self-government. 
Social  and  economic  condition. 

Education  limited  to  a  minority. 

Agriculture  and  industry  in  a  backward  state. 

Conditions  of  life  much  like  those  of  the  Mid- 
dle Ages. 

169 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

References:  Bourne,  The  Philippine  Islands. 

Crow,  America  and  the  Philippines,  pp.  41-49. 

Miller  and  Storms,  Economic  Conditions  in  the  Philip- 
pines, pp.  1-23. 

Robertson,  "The  Philippines  since  the  Inauguration  of 
the  Philippine  Assembly";  in  American  Historical 
Review,  July,  1917,  pp.  811-15. 

Worcester,  The  Philippines,  Past  and  Present,  vol.  II,  pp. 
532-636. 

Worcester,  "The  Non-Christian  People  of  the  Philippine 
Islands  with  an  Account  of  What  Has  Been  Done  for 
Them  under  American  Rule";  in  National  Geographic 
Magazine,  November,  1913,  pp.  1157-1256. 

Worcester,  "Field  Sports  among  the  Wild  Men  of 
Northern  Luzon";  in  National  Geographic  Magazine, 
March,  1911,  pp.  215-67. 

Worcester,  "Head  Hunters  of  Northern  Luzon";  in 
National  Geographic  Magazine,  September,  1912,  pp. 
833-930. 

D.  Progress  of  the  Filipinos  as  an  Apprentice  Nation. 
I.  Physical  reconstruction. 

II.  Enforcement  of  public  order. 

The  Constabulary. 
References: 

Chamberlin,  The  Philippine  Problem,  pp.  113-23. 
Crow,  America  and  the  Philippines,  pp.  99-124. 
Elliott,  The  Philippines  to  the  End  of  the  Commission 

Government,  pp.  184-218. 

Forbes,  "A  Decade  of  American  Rule  in  the  Philippine 
Islands";  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  February,  1909,  pp. 
205-06. 

Jenks,  "The  Philippine  Islands  under  the  American 
Government";  in  Colonies  of  the  World,  pp.  363-66, 
371-73. 

170 


A  NATION  IN  THE  MAKING 

Worcester,  The  Philippines,  Past  and  Present,  vol.  i, 
pp.  380-83,  408-48. 

III.  Reconstruction  of  the  Government. 

1.  Successive  changes  in  form  of  government. 

a.  Military  rule  (1899-1901). 

b.  Government  by  commission  (1900-07). 

c.  Territorial  form  of  government  (1907-13). 

d.  Majority  in  commission  given  to  Fili- 

pinos (1913)- 

e.  Elective  legislature  of  two  houses  (1916). 

2.  Extension  of  franchise. 

3.  Filipinization  of  local  government. 

4.  Filipinization  of  judiciary. 

5.  The  Philippine  civil  service. 

References: 
Brent,  "Tutoring  the  Philippines";  in  Yale  Review, 

July,  1917,  pp.  722-25. 
Elliott,  The  Philippines  to  the  End  of  the  Commission 

Government,  pp.  77,  96-126,  402-18,  431-41. 
Fernandez,  A  Brief  History  of  the  Philippines,  pp.  274- 

81. 
Forbes,  "A  Decade  of  American  Rule  in  the  Philippine 

Islands";  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  February,  1909,  pp. 

205-06. 
Jenks,  "The  Philippine  Islands  under  the  American 

Government";  in  Colonies  of  the  World,  pp.  355- 

61, 373-75, 387-94. 

Kalaw,  The  Case  for  the  Filipino,  pp.  272-82. 

Kalaw,  Self -Government  in  the  Philippines,  pp.  18- 

58,  92-108. 
Latane,  The  United  States  as  a  World  Power,  pp.  155- 

70. 

Ogg,  National  Progress,  pp.  236-40. 
New  Organic  Law  for  the  Philippines,  1916,  Public 

Document,  No.  240,  64th  Congress. 

171 


THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS 

Robertson,  "The  Philippines  since  the  Inauguration 
of  the  Philippine  Assembly";  in  American  Historical 
Review,  July,  1917,  pp.  814-22. 

United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  39,  Part  I,  pp.  545- 

56. 

IV.  Economic  reconstruction. 
Purchase  of  friar  lands. 
Improvement  of  agriculture. 
Revision  of  currency. 

Improvement  in  means  of  communication. 
Investigation  of  natural  resources. 
References: 

Crow,  America  and  the  Philippines,  pp.  199-227. 
Elliott,  The  Philippines  to  the  End  of  the  Commission 

Government,  chaps.  4,  6,  7,  8. 

Fernandez,  A  Brief  History  of  the  Philippines,  pp. 
281-89. 

V.  Educational  reconstruction. 

Extension   of   educational   opportunity   to   all 

classes. 

Work  directed  toward  training  in  citizenship. 
Teaching  of  the  English  language. 
Instruction  in  the  duties  of  citizenship. 
Encouragement  of  cooperative  effort. 
Inculcation  of  a  sense  of  public  responsibility. 
Work  for  betterment  of  economic  conditions. 
Instruction  in  economic  condition  of  the  Phil- 
ippines. 

Instruction  in  agriculture  and  household  indus- 
tries. 
Instruction  in  commercial  branches. 

References: 

Brent,  " Tutoring  the  Philippines";  in  Yale  Review, 

July,  1917,  pp.  720-22. 
Bureau  of  Education,  Philippine  Islands,  Bulletins. 

172 


A  NATION  IN  THE  MAKING 

Director  of  Education,  Philippine  Islands,  Annual 
Reports. 

Elliott,  The  Philippines  to  the  End  of  the  Commission 
Government,  pp.  219-337. 

Miller  and  Storms,  Economic  Conditions  in  the  Philip- 
pines, Preface. 

Robertson,  "The  Philippines  since  the  Inauguration 
of  the  Philippine  Assembly  ";  in  American  Historical 
Review,  July,  1917,  pp.  826-28. 

E.  Conditions  in  1917. 

Indications  as  to  proficiency  of  the  Filipino  in  self- 
government. 

Indications  as  to  degree  of  mastery  over  economic  re- 
sources. 
References: 
Fernandez,  A  Brief  History  of  the  Philippines,  pp.  299- 

307. 
Harrison,  Francis  Burton,  Governor  General  of  the 

Philippines,  Report  for  1917. 
Kalaw,  Self -Government  in  the  Philippines. 
Mclntyre,  Frank,  Special  Report  to  the  Secretary  of  War 

on  the  Philippine  Islands,  igi6. 
Robertson,  "The  Philippines  since  the  Inauguration  of 

the  Philippine  Assembly";  in  American  Historical 

Review,  July,  1917,  pp.  828-30. 


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OUTLINE 

I.  THE  METHOD  OF  APPROACH 

1.  Arrangement  of  material  to  meet  the  present  inter- 
est of  the  pupil i 

2.  The  present  situation  used  as  an  introduction  to  the 
study  of  the  past 1-3 

3.  Advantages  and  disadvantages  of  this  method  of 
approach 3-7 

4.  The  method  of  the  "Study  of  Nations"  not  the 
teaching  of  history  backwards 7 

5.  The  starting  point  not  the  current  event,  but  the 
present  condition 7-8 

II.  THE  FRUITS  OF  EXPERIENCE 

1.  The  "Study  of  Nations"  an  adaptation  of  the 
methods  of  Community  Civics  to  the  study  of  mod- 
ern European  history 8 

2.  Need  for  the  revision  of  the  method  and  content 

of  high-school  history 9 

3.  Advantages  of  treating  each  nation  separately 10-11 

4.  Discussion  of  possible  objections  to  the  proposed 
method 11-15 

5.  Tentative  conclusions  drawn  from  classroom  ex- 
perience     15-20 

6.  The  "Study  of  Nations"  as  an  aid  to  Americani- 
zation    20-21 

7.  Summary 21-22 

EUROPEAN  NATIONS 

I.  FRANCE 

1.  The  necessity  of  a  careful  choice  of  subject  for  the 

first  lessons 23 

2.  Reasons  for  beginning  with  the  study  of  France ....   23-25 

3.  The  key-note:  George  Meredith's  "Ode  to  France, 
1870" 25 

4.  Discussion  of  special  topics 25-26 

5.  Use  of  the  Museum  of  Fine  Arts 26-27 

187 


OUTLINE 

6.  The  historical  development  of  the  French  Nation  27-28 

7.  Study  of  the  French  historic  tradition  through  the 
consideration  of  great  historic  personages 28-31 

8.  France  as  the  missionary  to  Europe  of  the  doctrine 

of  Liberte,  Egalitt,  Fraternity 3i~33 

9.  The  significance  of  the  Napoleonic  ideal  in  French 
history 33-34 

10.  Experiments  in  self-government  to  1870 34 

11.  The  Franco-Prussian  War 34 

12.  The  Third  Republic  as  a  school  of  moral  develop- 
ment   35 

13.  Characteristics  of  the  present  French  government  .  35 

14.  Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 36-46 

II.  ENGLAND 

1.  Advantages  and  disadvantages  of  the  teacher  of 
English  history 46-47 

2.  Two  main  lines  of  development  in  English  history. .  47 

3.  The  development  of  English  liberties  from  Magna 
Carta  to  the  present  day 47~5o 

4.  Effect  of  the  study  on  the  prejudices  of  the  student  51 

5.  Phases  of  industrial  development  in  England 52 

6.  Problems  growing  out  of  the  industrial  revolution . .  53 

7.  The  "War  on  Poverty  " 53-54 

8.  Expansion  of  the  British  Empire 54~55 

9.  The  question  of  home  rule  for  Ireland 5 5-56 

10.  Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 56-70 

III.  GERMANY 

1 .  Spirit  in  which  the  study  of  Germany  is  approached  70-71 

2.  The  government  of  the  late  German  Empire 72 

3.  Militarism  in  Germany 72~73 

4.  Historical  development  of  autocracy  and  militarism  73-76 

5.  Comparative  study  of  government  in  Great  Britain 

and  in  the  German  Empire 76-81 

6.  Material  efficiency  in  Germany 81 

7.  The  movement  for  expansion 81 

8.  The  German  city 82 

9.  State  socialism 82 

188 


OUTLINE 

10.  The  educational  system 82-83 

11.  Chart  to  illustrate  the  meaning  of  democracy  as 
shown  by  contrast  between  the  governments  of 
Great  Britain  and  of  the  German  Empire 84-85 

12.  Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 86-92 

IV.  RUSSIA 

1.  Influence  of  geography  on  Russian  history 93~94 

2.  Peculiar  difficulties  in  the  study  of  Russia 94~95 

3.  The  revolution  of  1917  as  an  approach  to  Russian 
political  history 95-96 

4.  Comparison  of  the  Russian  and  the  French  revolu- 
tions          96 

5.  The  second  revolution  in  Russia 97 

6.  Chart  for  a  comparative  study  of  the  Russian  and 

the  French  revolutions 98 

7.  Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 99-102 

V.  ITALY 

1.  Historical  explanation  of  the  difference  between  the 
Italy  of  to-day  and  the  Italy  of  1815 102-04 

2.  The  need  for  chronological  reviews 104 

3.  Suggestive  chart  for  chronological  review 105 

4.  Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References  for  the 
study  of  Italy 106-07 

VI.  THE  AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN  EMPIRE 

1.  The  dual  monarchy  not  a  nation 108 

2.  Essential  points  to  be  studied 108-09 

3.  Study  of  the  Slovaks  in  Cleveland 109-10 

4.  International  importance  of  the  Austro-Hungarian 
Empire no 

5.  Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 110-12 

VII.  TURKEY  AND  THE  BALKAN  STATES 

1 .  Importance  of  the  study  of  the  Balkan  states 112 

2.  The  method  and  aim  of  the  study 112 

3.  Geographic  study  of  conflicting  claims  in  the  Balkans  113 

4.  Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 114 


OUTLINE 

VIII.  "THE  STUDY  OF  NATIONS"  AND 
THE  GREAT  WAR 

1.  The  historic  background  of  the  war  sketched  by  the 
"Study  of  Nations" 118-19 

2.  Enumeration  of  forces  tending  to  international  good 
feeling 119 

3.  The  forces  tending  to  international  discord 1 19-20 

4.  Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 120-24 

ORIENTAL  NATIONS 

I.  CHINA 

1.  Suggestions  to  teachers 1 25-26 

2.  Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 127-36 

II.  JAPAN 

1.  Suggestions  to  Teachers 137 

2.  Topical  Outline  and  Reading  References 138-49 

A  NATION  IN  THE  MAKING 

THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS 

1.  Special  interest  of  the  study  of  the  Philippines i5°~5  J 

2.  Difficulty  arising  from  the  controversial  character 

of  the  source  material 151 

3.  The  aim  of  the  study 151-52 

4.  The  geographic  and  economic  setting  of  Philippine 

life 152 

5.  The  Philippines  as  a  'prentice  nation i52~53 

6.  Survey  of  the  non-Christian  tribes 153 

7.  Conditions  at  the  time  of  the  American  occupation .  1 54-56 

8.  The  spirit  and  aim  of  the  administration  of  the 
Philippines  by  the  United  States 156-58 

9.  Educational  methods  of  the  United  States  in  the 
Philippines 1 58-64 

10.  Indications  as  to  the  results  of  the  experiment.  .  .  .  164-68 

1 1 .  Lessons  to  be  learned  from  Philippine  history 168 


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